Essay: Niger-Delta region

The struggles over oil, particularly the quest to correct the perceived injustice embedded in the separation of those that profit from the oil production and commoditization (MNCs and the Nigerian ruling elites), from the others (dispossessed local inhabitants) whose land and waters the oil is extracted, has led to the violent agitation in the Niger-Delta region (Obi, 2010) the publicity and tempo of the agitation for environmental justice increased in the region with the formation of the movement for the survival of Ogoni people (MOSOP) in August 1990; the November, 1995 hanging of Ken Saro-Wiwa and eight Ogoni compatriots; the punitive expedition against the inhabitants of Odi in February, 2002; the formation of the famous Kaima Declaration in 11 December, 1998. Other groups that were formed during these periods include the movement for the survival of Ijaw Ethnic Nationality (MOSIEN), Community rights initiative (CORI) Niger-Delta women for justice (NDINJ), Chiiccoco movement, Ijaw national congress and Egbema National congress. These groups have continued to criticize the government and the oil MNCs for the environmental damage caused due to the oil exploration activities by the MNCs. This situation in the Niger-Delta is well captured by Ken Saro-Wiwa in his presentation on why he championed Ogoni cause; in this way “I looked at Ogoni (Niger Delta) and found that the entire place was now a waste land and that we are the victims of ecological war that is very serious and unconventional. It is unconventional because no bones are broken, no one is maimed. People are not alarmed because they can’t see what is happening. But human beings are at risk, plants and animals are at risk. The air and water are poisoned. Finally, the land itself dies. Oil has brought nothing but disaster to oil people” (Niger Delta) (Saro-Wiwa 1998) what can be inferred from this is that the failure of the Nigerian government to address the development needs of the region and to address the environmental damage caused by the oil exploration activities of the MNCs created a feeling of injustice in the Niger Delta people and led to the conflicts and insecurity in the Niger Delta region. It then became clear that the struggle is for an end to injustice, discrimination, exclusion, oppression, domination and exploitation, systematic destruction of the ecosystem,
Corporate and environmental bad governance, a call for equitable federation of Nigeria’s economic policy.
It is sad to note that since around 2005, the pattern of unarmed peaceful protests and demonstrations used by these groups against the unwholesome activities of the MNCs operating in the Niger Delta region has been shifted to a violent one by the armed groups like the movement for the emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), Egbesu boys, Niger Delta people volunteer force (NDPVF). And others to the extent that the whole region had become highly militarized. The rise of groups like MEND is said to be traceable to the lack of space for peaceful opposition movements and the failure of the government and the MNCs in ensuring that the Niger Delta people enjoy the benefits of oil production (Bassey, 2008).
The response of the government to the claims of the oil producing areas has been classified by Suberu (Suberu, 1996) into three forms: redistributive, reorganizational and regulatory state responses.
According to Suberu, “redistributive policies are state decisions that consciously dispense valued resources to one group at the expense of other claimants to state resources. Reorganizational policies refers to state efforts to restrictive or reconfigure political or administrative institutions and relationships, in order to accommodate groups demands or strengthen the efficiency of centralized state power. Regulatory policies entail the mandatory imposition of sanctions or restrictions on individuals or groups that are perceived to pose a threat to state cohesion and order. These included the creation of separate federal states in the Niger Delta viz Akwa-Ibom, Delta and Bayelsa states in 1987, 1991 and 1996 respectively (reorganizational policies) (Omotola, 2007) the increase in the percentage of revenue allocation based on deviation from 1.5% to 3% in 1992 and 13% in 1999 (Osaghae, 2008) The installation of his Excellency Dr Good luck Jonathan, the former governor of Bayelsa state, an Ijaw man, as Vice-president in Nigeria in 2007 under the people’s Democratic Party (PDP) (now president of the federal Republic of Nigeria in May 2010 following the death of president Umaru Yar’Adua on the 5th of May, 2010) and his subsequent election in May 2011 for another four years term and the establishment of development agencies as NDDB,OMPADEC,NDDC etc. (redistributive policies). The repressive response of the state include the execution of Saro-Wiwa and eight other Ogoni leaders in 1995 by the military government of Late Gen. Sani Abacha, the Umuechem Massacre of 1990 (African concord, 1990, Seberu, 1996) the Ogoni genocide (The News May, 1993) the Odi Massacre of (Aghalino, 2009) among several communities in the Niger Delta. The protesters in these communities not only have their properties destroyed but were also killed, maimed, raped, displaced or forced into exile (Oshionebo, 2009, Ekine 2008). The local inhabitants see these as a form of repression to keep them minorities from voicing even the most moderate claims.
These responses from the government and the oil MNCs elicited violence from the Niger Delta people in the form of kidnapping, hostage taking, bunkering and oil theft, pipeline vandalization, bombings, oil facilities Sabotage, destruction of properties and even killings of people in pursuance of the struggle.
3.6 Causes of Niger Delta Crisis in Nigeria
The discovery of oil in Nigeria Niger Delta region in 1957 triggered a chain of events that has led to political and economic marginalization of the inhabitants. Indeed, it has been argued that oil has been more of curse than blessing to the people of who have been at the receiving end of horrendous government oppression and brutality, often resulting in fatalities. Despite 41 years of oil production and hundreds of billions of dollars of oil revenue, the local people remain in abject poverty without even the most basic amenities such as water and electricity.
Although the Niger Delta has a long history of violence over the years, just that the situation has grown from worse to disastrous recently to the emergence of armed militant groups who are willing to kill as part of their campaigns for a greater share of the region oil wealth. This can be attributable to several historical and societal underpinning of the growing insurgency factors, among which we have; the marginalization of the peoples of the Niger Delta, environmental degradation, bad governance and inconsistent policy framework, and the divide and rule policy of the oil companies etc.
3.6.1 Marginalization and abject poverty
The Niger delta communities have remained grossly socio-economically underdevelopment and pauperized amidst the immense oil wealth owing to systematic disequilibrium in the production exchange relationship between the state, the trans-national companies and the people. Enormous money had derived from oil export but the area has been subjected to severe land degradation, socio-economic disorganization, increasing poverty, misery, military occupation and bloody violence.
Oil extraction has impacted most disastrously on the socio-physical environment of the Niger delta oil bearing communities massively threatening the fragile subsistent peasant economy and bio-diversity and hence their entire social livelihood and very survival. The oil producing communities have basically remained dependent and underdeveloped, persistently dis-empowered, socio-culturally marginalized and psychologically alienated.
The wealth derived from oil resource exploitation and exports benefit directly only the operators of the oil resource exploitation and exports benefit directly only the operators of the oil industry and the bureaucrats in government (Owabukeruyele, 2000). Ejibunu (2007) posits that the discovery of oil in the Niger Delta region in 1957 triggered a chain of events that has led to the political and economic marginalization of the inhabitants. Despite over forty years of oil production in Nigeria and hundreds of billions of dollars of oil revenue (Oronto, et al 2003), the inhabitants of the Niger Delta region especially the riverine (creeks) remain in abject poverty. Poverty level is about 80% while unemployment level is about 70%. They live without even the most basic amenities such as pipe-borne water and electricity (Ibaba, 2005). Mukagbo (2004) opines that in the Niger Delta, scenes of abject poverty pervade the area, very similar to what you find in a refugee camp.
The distribution of resources from the federation account has been another source of marginalization for the Niger Delta. Prior to 1999, the allocation to the Niger Delta from the federation account of revenues from oil, decreased progressively as Nigeria became more dependent on oil. in 1960, the allocation was 50%, then down to 45%, then down to 45% in 1970. Declining to 20% in 1992. it was raised to 13% following persistent agitations from the Niger Delta (Ikelegbe, 2006).
3.6.2 Massive Unemployment
Unemployment is very high among the people of the Niger Delta. The youth from the Niger delta do not benefit from the presence of the transnational corporations especially the oil companies operating in their communities. Less than 5% of the people from the Niger Delta work in the companies, while women from the region working with the oil companies are less than 1%. Those who benefit through employment by the oil companies are from the non-oil producing parts of Nigeria (Ejibunu, 2007; Brisibie, 2001).
3.6.3 Environmental Degradation
According to the World Bank, there are five great plagues of mankind: war, famine, pestilence, environmental pollution, and death. The Niger Delta is in the throes of becoming an environmental wastebasket. From the oil spills to the round-the-clock gas flares and effluents from industrial wastes, the fragile ecosystem of the Niger Delta is under constant assault. However, it is still a mystery that no comprehensive study of oil exploration in Niger delta and its effect on the environment exists (Ile & Akukwe, 2001).
The unbridled exploitation of crude oil natural gas beneath the lands of the Niger Delta has caused indescribable and irredeemable ecological devastation of the Niger Delta (Azaiki, 2003). Okaba (2005:18) sum up the environmental impact of the oil industry in the Niger delta of Nigeria as land deprivation, soil quality alteration, destruction of aquatic ecosystem and air pollution.
3.6.4 Destruction of Aquatic Ecosystem
A major environmental tragedy in the Niger Delta is the waste of aquatic ecosystem. This aspect is quite significant to the people, being that it constitutes a grave threat to a hitherto economic hub of their lives fishing. it is a common sight that in the process of oil exploration and production materials such as drill cuttings, drill mud and other fluids that are used to stimulate production are discharged into the environment and most end up in the streams and rivers (Nwaomah, 2009). these chemicals are not easily degradable and the skimming of oil on the water surface leaving grave consequences such as: (a) surface and ground water quality deterioration in terms of portability, aesthetic and recreation, (b) destruction and reduction of fish life and fisheries production of the waters, (c) destruction by acute and sublegal toxicity of aquatic flora and fauna of spills on water and benthic macro (Okaba, 2005:19).
3.6.5 Soil Quality Alteration
Soil quality alteration is another environmental problem that the Niger Delta contends with as a result of the oil industry. it is an environmental condition that is caused by a collection of oil exploration and exploitation activities such as construction of flow lines and trunk line networks, terminals, digging of location waste pits and barrow pits, Oil spillage either from equipment failure, human error, and corrosion of pipes due to age and sabotage (Nwaomah, 2009). it is estimated that as at 2002 about 8581 oil spills, involving nearly 28 million barrels of oil have occurred in the Niger Delta. (Okaba, 2005:15).
Other factor’s responsible for the soil quality alteration are the unceasing gas flares: drill cuttings, drill mud and refinery waste. the harmful effects of these elements on the soil are unquestionable (Nwaomah, 2009) Owabukeruyele argued that the compounds from the numerous petroleum wastes contain organic chemicals such as phenol cyanide, sulphide-suspended solids, chromium and biological oxygen that leave destructive effects on the land and water (Owabukeruyele, 2000).
3.6.6 Air Pollution
Gas flaring is a primary source of air pollution in the Niger Delta. The oil companies are wrecking the ecosystem of the Niger Delta through uncontrollable gas flaring. Gases flaring takes place twenty four hours and some are believed to been burning for over thirty years, thereby resulting in the release of hydrogen sulphide. the oil companies are not only destroying the Niger Delta. But they are also contributing to global warming (comet newspaper, 2001)
The pollutions released and the noises from the vibration are injurious to human health. It is argued that the chemical emissions from the flaring contribute to acid rain, trigger skin disease (Okaba, 2005) and the quick corrosion of roofing sheets in the Niger Delta area, a common sight in this region. a secondary source of air pollution in the Niger Delta is the incidents of fire resulting from leakages from the exposed and corroded oil pipes that are scattered all over the region (Nwaomah, 2009)
The environmental degradation being carried out by the oil companies in the Niger Delta as a result of their non-compliance with internationally recognised environmental standards are damages that their consequences cannot be limited by time. Unfortunately, available evidence shows that the trend is worsening as the government lack the political will to ensure compliance to rules by the oil companies (Doran, 1995; Ojomu, 2002; Susa, 1999).
3.6.7 Divide and Rule Policy
Over the years the oil producing companies operating in the Niger Delta have adopted a divide and rule method in which they identify for compensation, people in the host communities they believe have the capability to influence the indigenes to ensure that they have a peaceful environment to operate in, at minimal cost. A minute part of the money that should have been spent on corporate social responsibility (CRS) in the development of the host communities are paid to such individuals and groups. As such in some communities, traditional rulers and local community leader become corrupt as they have become recipients of various contract awards and cash payments at the detriment of the communities they represent. (kemedi, 2003).
Where there has been crisis of leadership in the host communities, the oil producing companies have tended to support whichever faction they believe had the capability of disrupting its operations as opposed to which groups or factions were properly constituted and traditionally legitimate (Ikelegbe, 2006). In furtherance of this policy, the shell petroleum development company (SPDC) ignored the traditional rulers and elders and accorded recognition, partnered and related with the youths, simply because the youths had more disruptive power on the oil production. Therefore the youths emerged as community leaders. these youths became the power brokers, the liaison with the MNCs, and the object of MNCs patronage (kemedi, 2002; Ile & Akukwe, 2011).
The realization by the youths that violent protests and disruptive actions elicited immediate actions and payments by the oil companies led to emergence of several youth groups and militias. these youth groups became more daring in their tactics, from minor threats of hijack hips and helicopters, kidnap MNCs staff, and vandalize facilities in order to obtain pay offs, ransoms and payments from the oil companies. (Ikelegbe, 2006).
3.6.8 Deprivation
The Niger Delta is a prime example of deprivation, directly traceable to the absence of true federalism. The Niger Delta, whose crude oil and gas reserve are the substratum of the oil licenses and leases are not extended to them. Graduates of the Niger Delta that have good certificates are denied employment opportunities.
The crude oil and gas reserves without which there is no oil economy, oil company, oil revenues and foreign exchange for Nigeria, were pretended to be not important. Thus, this unfair government led to genuine fears of the Niger Delta. They hope to benefit groom the oil economy, but they became highly deprived by the state governments in the Niger Delta, in the present civilian dispersion starting from 1999.
Thus, this frustration led to aggression that arose from unrealized genuine expectations of the Niger delta from their God-given crude oil.
3.6.9 Bad Governance and Corruption
One of the causes of the Niger delta crisis is unbridled corruption, lack of accountability and management, and official kleptomania and consummate dishonesty, both at the national and local levels.
The Niger delta region is riddled with bad governance/corruption on the part of government officials, both at the state and local government levels. it has been argued that, if government officials in the region have utilized judiciously their monthly allocations, to better the lot of ordinary people, through the creation of jobs, and embark on infrastructural development of the region, the situation would have been better than this current sorry state. Rather, the jumbo monthly allocations are spent on frivolous things that have no corresponding bearings on the life of the people.
3.6.10 Insincerity of the Federal Government
The alleged insincerity of the federal government of Nigeria to fully develop the region in partnership with the state governments, commission like oil minerals producing area development commission (OMPADEC). Created by the region of general Ibrahim Babangida, for the development of the area did not achieve its due to poor funding on the part of the federal government, in spite of the development of area from crude oil. This gradually led to some leaders in the region agitation for resource control.
The government of Obasanjo equally set up another agency, the Niger Delta development commission (NNDC), to bring development to the doorsteps of the people, but the operation of the commission is being hampered by lack of money to carry out its mandates, and it became a serious obstacle in pursing the goal of developing the region.
According to Akanna Campbell, executive secretary. South-south community development union (SSCDU), a Niger Delta research group, the insincerity of the federal government made the people want to confront the issue in militant way. In his words. The situation forced many indigenes to begin feel frustrated that another hope and promise has gone down the drain. it marked the beginning of hydra-headed issue of kidnapping of oil workers. The people, particularly the youth, in their own judgment, now felt that the best way to react was by disturbing the flow of oil.
3.7 Impact of the Amnesty Program on the Militants in the Niger Delta Region
The ex-militants responded positively and surrendered different calibers and types of arms and ammunitions. A total of 8,299 militants excluding women, were reported to have registered after the pronouncement and embraced the amnesty (Imuetinyan, 2011). With regard to each state, a total of 4,869 militants surrendered from Bayelsa State; 1,061 from Delta; 1,047 from Rivers; 750 from Ondo; 250 from Edo; 162 from Akwa Ibom and 160 from Imo State, respectively.
Records tendered also indicated that arms surrendered included 287,445 different types of ammunitions, with about 2,760 assorted arms, 18 gunboats, 763 dynamites, 1,090 dynamite caps, 3,155 magazines and other accessories like RPG charger, 1 bullet proof jacket, walkie-talkies, dynamite cables, cartridges, knives and AK 47 bayonets. A breakdown of the submission showed that 82,406 ammunitions were received from Rivers State, 52,958 from Delta, 139,877 from Bayelsa, 9,748 from Cross River, 9,725 from Ondo, 959 from Akwa Ibom as well as 722 from Edo State (Ifeatu, 2010)
The ex-militants willingness to embrace the amnesty program can be seen in their wholesome renunciation of militancy, surrender of arms and agreement to cease hostilities in the creeks. The program involved re-orientation, rehabilitation and capacity building, training and skill acquisition.
The registered militants were initially camped in two holding canter’s: in Aluu, Rivers State and Agbarho in Delta State and were rehabilitated centrally in Obubra camp in batches. The rehabilitation lasted for two weeks for each batch and involved reorientation, counseling and moral/spiritual regeneration of the ex-militants. At the end, they were made to take an oath of allegiance to the state and afterwards, reintegrated into the state (Daily champion, 27 October, 2009). Furthermore, the core of the program was to remove the belief of the ex-militants in violence. It was also to liberate the pardoned from the burden of guilt from their past crimes.
They were taught to avoid not only external physical violence but also internal violence of the spirit using the power of love. In a nutshell, this stage of engagement prepared the spirit of the former illegal combatant for normal day-to-day living as free law abiding citizens, free to strive for living like any other person. Much as it were critical to change the mindset of the former militants, it was even more crucial to arm them with skills that would give them financial freedom on a sustainable basis. In support of this argument, Daily Champion (2009) asserts that the amnesty training/skill acquisition has made a great impact on the ex-militants.
According to the paper, survey of the needs of the youths in the Niger Delta Region conducted by the Ministry of the Niger Delta Affairs, indicated that the youths were interested in oil/gas, marine services, fabrication and welding technology, exploration and production, processing engineering.
Besides, amnesty skill acquisition program has been complimented by the NDDC with the training of no less than 8,000 youths of the Niger Delta who have benefitted from its various schemes. For instance, 7,732 youths were trained in diverse skills and out of this number, 2,204 were trained in computer literacy, 1,929 in welding, while 3,599 acquired skills in such areas as automobile mechanics, aluminum and furniture works, electrical installation and maintenance, home management skills, outboard engine maintenance, printing, photography as well as refrigeration and cooling technology. Similarly, a total of 1,920 welders have so far been trained by the NDDC under its Human Capacity Development and Empowerment program (Ifeatu, 2010) some of the ex- militants however, chose formal education as against vocational training. This category consists mainly of those who did not complete school, either at the primary or secondary and even post-secondary education. With the dawn of a new era, they want to return to school and in line with the amnesty proclamation, the Federal Government is said to be ready to assist them achieve this goal. The classification team in the camp therefore, verified the qualifications of the ex-militants who have passed out of the Obubra camp and recommended some of them to undertake courses in some schools in the country and abroad. So far, 8,595 former combatants who graduated from the rehabilitation camp in Obubra, effectively demobilized are now being placed in vocational/skills acquisition centers and institutions within and outside the country.
3.8 Federal Government Intervention and Crisis Resolution in the Niger Delta
The federal government of Nigeria has used both the state instrument of coercion or violence and peaceful negotiations so as to put to rest these twin cankerworms that have more than ever before threatened the very existence of the Nigerian state. Better still, one would say that the Nigerian government has used both the stick (force) and carrot (peace) approaches in handling these two land mine issues.
Using the stick approach, the Nigerian mobile police force (MOPOL) brutally quelled a peaceful youth protest against shell at Umuechem in rivers state, and the community was virtually destroyed on 31st October 1990. Eighty people were killed and about 500 houses were destroyed, thus triggering an unprecedented number of internally displaced people in the history of that community (international crisis group 2006).
Again, in 2003, an army of occupation known as the joint task force (JTF) code named operation restores hope was formed for the consistent, persistent and aggressive suppression of oil-related protests in the Niger Delta.
Note however that the government has also used the carrot approach too. in the area of fiscal allocation, apart from the huge sums of amount allocated from the federation account to oil producing states, there ids the constitutional 13 per cent derivative principle set aside for the Niger Delta region. The federal government has also responded to the issue of the nxxxxx delta by establishing the following;
1. The Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB) established in 1961 by the Niger Delta development act (1961) based on the recommendations of the willinks commission.
2. The Oil and Mineral Producing Area Development Commission (OMPADEC) created by decree 23 of 1995.
3. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) established in 2000.
4. The Niger Delta regional master plan launched on 27 March 2007.
5. The ministry of Niger Delta created in 2008.
6. The unconditional amnesty to the militants 2009, 2010 with post amnesty conditionality’s given due attention.
However, given the major negative implication of the crisis for all interest involved, it is not surprising to find that a number of initiatives have been adopted by the Nigerian state and the all companies to assuage the anger of the communities in the Niger Delta. Among the initiatives, the following have been popular:
– The project approach (undertaking such projects as building hospitals, school etc.
– The agency approach (establishing development agencies such as NDE, OPADEC and NDDC).
– The political empowerment approach (creation of local government such as master plans, national state economic empowerment development strategies NEEDS, SEEDS, LEEDS, or enunciating national policy on poverty eradication which are then passed on to other state institutions and agencies to implement.
– The financial empowerment approach (giving cash or block grants to states, and communities providing micro credits to community members through third parties etc.).
– The rule making approach (as in the revenues derivation formula, making laws and regulations for the development of the Niger Delta or as part of some general legislation, on property rights, environment, etc.).
– Constitution of the presidential committee on peace and conflict resolution on the Niger Delta region by the president, with similar committee set up in the nine states in the region to facilitate and catalyze the resolution set up in the conflict.
– The unsuccessful attempt by the federal government to host a Niger Delta stakeholder a summit.
Unfortunately, these initiatives have not and cannot work because they share individually and collectively some common weaknesses.
First and the most fundamental weakness is that they are based upon a wrong understanding of the essence of the crisis and hence challenge of development in the Niger Delta.
A second weakness which they oil share is the adopted solution are at best not sincere and at worst, constructed to maintain the statuesque. This explains the deliberate subventions of the development program by the very state officials who approve them.
Thirdly, it is also clear that there is no clear pattern to the process of development in the adopted program. What activities occur are disjointed and usually have an emergency character. More often than not, they are varied responses to intenseagitations by the people of the Niger Delta. The response is thus abandoned as soon as the agitations die or are put down.
Fourthly, they are usually command in nature. they are the ideas of those who are responsible for the en-crisis in the Niger Delta, while attempts are often made to incorporate and co-opt certain sections and levels of the elite of the Niger Delta into the decision making process, these attempts and their results in terms of the nature of the elements and their results in terms of the nature of the elements co-opted usually further undermine in a fundamental sense the past and current achievement of those that genuinely committed to the resolution of the problems in the Niger Delta.
Finally and every importantly, the initiatives are pursed within the framework of an invigorated garrisoning agenda.