Essay: Niger Delta – corruption, conflict and the economy

With the commencement of oil exploration in commercial quantities in Oloiribiri in the Niger Delta in 1956 came great excitement and tall hopes for rapid development and accelerated civilization. But little was known of the pains associated with the exploration of oil such as Spillage, deforestation, noise pollution, sundry and other ecological effects. These adverse effects have been more of the lots of the people of the Niger Delta area since then until a time when it dawned on them that the government was not willing to yield to their demands for adequate attention to their polluted and depreciating environment. The persistent neglect was to result in unrest by the people, which eventually almost got out of hand. Long years of neglect and conflict have promoted, especially among the youths a feeling of a bleak future and thus see conflict as a stratagem to escape deprivation (Niger Delta Human Rights Reports, 2006). The resultant effect was the outbreak of armed conflicts in the area, abduction and kidnapping of oil workers, especially the expatriates. As much as this program was funded, siphoning and mismanagement of funds by government representatives have left the proposed program failed completely in Nigeria.
The failures of amnesty program in Nigeria cannot be over emphasized:
4.1 Corruption
Corruption, an ethical and moral problem which varies from place to place, time to time, culture to culture and with the level of economic development is a global phenomenon that affects developed, developing and underdeveloped nations of the world. Corruption is the major cause of poverty around the world. It occurs at all levels of governance, that is, local and state. All over the world, the perception of corruption especially in public places is very high. This is because, corruption undermines every aspect of national development among which are, political development, economic development, social development and so on. It should be emphasized here that it is not just only in governance that corruption is found; it is equally noticeable in every human society.
Specifically, the high rate of corrupt practices in the post-independence period in Nigeria is noticeable in various governments (civil & military) occasioned by mismanagement and misappropriation of fund, lack of transparency and accountability, arbitrary award and inflation of contracts, embezzlement, bribery, diversion of fund and so on. The effect of these corrupt practices over the years on Nigeria’s national development especially in the fourth republic cannot be overemphasized.
Corruption gives room for diversion of the limited public funds, undermines economic progress and impedes policy changes required for development. On the whole, corruption impedes growth and also erodes the already established economic value systems in Nigeria. This devastated effect of continuous corrupt practices in Nigeria has gone so bad and it is worrisome as several but unsuccessful measures have been put in place to halt the menace. It is therefore not an understatement that Achebe (1988:12) concluded that corruption has permeated the African society and anyone who can say that corruption in Africa has not yet become alarming is either a fool, a crook or else does not live in this continent. As mentioned above, evidence from Gbenga (2007:5) validated the fact that the drive to a perfect solution to corruption is still ongoing bearing in minds that previous effort to curb it is unsuccessful. It is a re-occurring issue and it impedes growth without clear solution. As efforts are put in place to eradicate it, it keeps multiplying and spreading like wild fire. To buttress the doubt and widespread of the phenomenon, Mbaku (1996:19) observed that most cleanup programs on corruption in Africa have been unsuccessful.
Corruption is a widespread phenomenon and its effects are immeasurable. It leaves an economy with an untold hardship. However, the effects of corruption are felt in the economic, political and social spheres either directly or indirectly. Although the direct costs of corruption may be high in terms of lost
According to Todaro (1977:96), “Development is conceived of a multi-dimensional process involving changes in structures, attitudes and institutions as well as the acceleration of economic growth, the reduction of inequality and eradication of absolute poverty”. Hodder (2000:12) also sees development as an economic, social or political process which results in a cumulative rise in the perceived standard of living for an increasing proportion of a population”. This definition suggests that an increased standard of living involves a social and political process as well as an economic one. This improvement in the standard of living must be both cumulative and in the long duration rather than just temporary. Development which must be seen as an overall qualitative improvement in the lives of a people or a political community is expected to address the issues of social welfare, equity and justice. According to the UNDP, the central purpose of development should be the creation of an enabling and empowering environment in which all the individuals, including the poor and the vulnerable can enjoy healthy and creative lives (UNDP, 1999:6).
One of the reasons for persistence increase in the cases of corrupt practices in every act of governance in Nigeria is because of lack of transparency or accountability. Accountability forces the government to focus on the public interest rather than personal interests. Holding a government accountable.
Finally, national development is achievable in a less corrupt society where good governance is being promoted through quality political leadership. The inability of our leaders to actually fight corruption since the birth of Nigeria in general and the fourth republic in particular is because the country has not been able to produce real leaders. Those ones that have emerged in the post-colonial period are not leaders but rulers. If they are leaders indeed, their vision would have been how to make life comfortable to majority of Nigerians through bringing into reality the dividends of democracy rather than pursuing their own self-interest.
Sustainable Development can only be achieved in an atmosphere of peace. Thus, it is widely believed that every human activity manipulating the environment for gain always imposes burden on the man environmental relationship. “Sustainable Development seeks to meet the needs and the aspirations of the present without compromising the needs of the future. It is the process in which the exploitation of resources, the direction of investments, the orientation of technological developments and institutional changes are all in harmony and enhance both current and future potentials to meet human needs and aspiration” (WCED, 1987:8). Sustainable development entails the harmonization of population growth with the utilization and exploitation of natural resources through redirection and reorientation of research and development, as well as institutional changes (UN-ECA 2001:15).
One of the primary roles of state is to provide peace and security for its citizens both within the nation-state and to ensure their protection against threats from outside. For every responsible government, human security and peace building concerns should be of utmost priority.
The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is most vulnerable to these threats, ranging from health concerns to infrastructural challenges, bad governance and human rights abuse. The threats also include unemployment, social exclusion to massive poverty. All these put together constitute serious challenges to human security and peace building efforts in the region.
The people of the Niger Delta survive on less than one dollar per day. It is quite unfortunate that the region which is seen as the treasure base of the nation has the highest number of the poorest of the poor. Lasting peace can only be achieved when majority of the people are able to break through the shackles of poverty. Lack of good governance which is characterized with corruption to severely repressive regimes whose hallmark is human right abuse. This is a typical Nigeria situation. It was worse during the regime of Olusegun Obasanjo, the immediate past president of Nigeria as no difference was made between a military regime and a civilian administration.
Human security and peace building must always remain top priorities of every responsible government and should remain part of management governance agenda. The two initiatives must constitute the foundation of every nation development priority. This is so because development and security are two sides of the same coin. Therefore development challenges must necessarily demand an atmosphere of peace and tranquility. The Niger Delta region of Nigeria is a very volatile region as it remains a hotspot for all manner of violence.
What is sure is that the region, being the treasure base of the nation has suffered all forms of neglect by the government. In an attempt to seek for recognition by the government of the day, the people have to adopt various forms of criminality to advance their course hence, making the region grossly insecure in all ramifications. It demands that for peace building to stimulate human security, it must be established on the foundation of secured equal socio-economic and political opportunities of all the people. This becomes a sure way of attaining human security and sustained peace building in the Nigeria Niger Delta
Ethnic conflict has been rightly defined as one of the greatest obstacles to meaningful development in Africa. In Nigeria, this sort of competition and rivalry among various ethnic groups is seen as a product of colonial contact. The ethnic factor, however, did not diminish with the advent of independence; rather, it became a yardstick for measuring contribution to the national development effort and especially for allocating and distributing power and national resources. As Nigeria is currently engaged in another exercise aimed at establishing a sustainable form of democracy, there is urgent need to address issues affecting the region.
However, the spate of bomb blasts, kidnapping, pipeline vandalisation and other forms of criminalities in recent times in various parts of the country are emerging trends of terrorism, which many analysts have variously attributed to the disturbing trend of political dissatisfaction, ethnic and religious differences, perceived societal neglect and pervasive poverty among the people. For example, while youth restiveness in the Niger Delta area and parts of the South East, occasioned kidnapping and disruption of oil installations, activities of members of the Odua’a People’s Congress (OPC) in the South West and that of Boko Haram Saga in the Northern States; have also been worrisome since 1999. Nevertheless, while the activities of the Niger Delta militants and OPC are trivial now, the activities of the Boko Haram are very worrisome to peaceful Nigerians and Nigeria across the world. It is abundantly clear from the available evidence that the Boko Haram ( Islamic Sect) is against anything that has to do with western values in the country in general and Northern part in particular. This could be seen in a large number of attacks being unleashed on the Nigerian State with a view to achieving their objectives. It is pertinent to have a glimpse of the attacks.
In addition, there is urgent need to confront the realities of ethnic minorities, who have thus far been neglected in the dynamics of the Nigerian power and resource game. Ethnic minorities are full members of the Nigerian federation and should be treated as thus. The Ogoni debacle brought to the fore, that minority geographical areas often form the basis of the Nigerian economy. Hence in allocating power and resources, they should be treated as equally important. In this era of Nigeria\’s almost total dependence on petrodollars, it may be wise to treat fairly the people from whose soil oil flows. This makes it necessary to redefine the revenue allocation system in such a way that a reasonable percentage is allocated for the purpose of tackling environmental problems, which oil exploitation causes in these areas, as well as improving general living conditions.
Nigerians are not happy with the state of things like corruption, war, genocide, political crisis, ethno-religious conflicts, poor infrastructure , discrimination, poor economic activities, unemployment among others, that ethnic politics and social conflicts have brought about, which hinder the development of the country.
Over the years, Nigerians have repeatedly turned to democratic institutions to provide regional representation to pursue diverse interests. After the failure of the parliamentary model of government in the First Republic, a constitutional conference was held in 1977 which selected the United States model of presidential system of government as the basis for the new democratic regime. On October 01, 1979, Nigeria adopted the presidential system of government under the Shagari Administration after thirteen years of military rule. The Second Republic only lasted from 1979 to 1983.
Corruption, political violence and electoral fraud undermined the legitimacy of the civilian administration leading to a military takeover of government in January 1984.29 The Shagari Administration was overthrown after four years in government by the military who accused them of gross corrupt practices. On May 29, 1999, democracy was finally restored to Nigeria after sixteen years of military rule. From independence in 1960 to 1999, when the military restored democracy, there have been seven military and three civilian heads of government. Military rule was characterized by frequent coups and change of governments which hampered political stability and has not allowed for the nurturing of good governance and democratic values. This has contributed to the institutional weakness of the Nigerian State and fed the cycle of corruption.
Weak institutions have been responsible for poor delivery of public services, inadequate policing, and erratic administration. The central government and political elites have been deficient in the provision of collective goods, including infrastructure, social provisions, regulation, and public order. (Lewis, 2011:9). In the absence of a neutral and effective source of public goods, Nigerians seek amenities on a particular basis from politicians. To satisfy this demand, politicians indulge in corrupt practices and favoritism which aggravates social divisions, further undermining the legitimacy of government leading to increased ethno-regional tensions. The absence of good democratic values that provide access and accountability to the people, gives rise to further poor governance. This contributes to deepening poverty, creating a foundation for social unrest. (Lewis, 2011:9).
Nigerians are also grossly disenfranchised with the zero sum nature of Nigerian politics (Lewis, 2011:1). The problems and weaknesses arise from a history of flawed elections, the dominance of the ruling party, and scant evidence of political accountability. These have undermined the legitimacy of democratic rule. For democracy to thrive it requires strong institutions such as the legislature, courts, police, armed forces and civil service for good governance; but unfortunately many of these institutions are weak due to poor leadership and corruption; and have fostered problems of governance. (Lewis, 2011:2). The weak political structures in Nigeria have also had a negative impact on the economy.
Overview of the Nigerian Economy
Recent statistics indicate that Nigeria’s economy has continued to grow by about yearly, mainly from the oil sector, and is projected to be Africa’s largest by 2015. (NNG: 8) The economic growth rate is impressive but still falls short of the government’s drive to hit a growth rate. The Nigerian economy is basically consumptive in nature and overly reliant on imports. It has a weak industrial base and financial institutions. About of the country’s income comes from oil and a meager from other sources. (NHGGC: 2011:8) Before the discovery of oil, Nigeria was an agrarian economy which promoted free enterprise. The regions retained half of their locally derived revenues, which were based on exports.
Since the discovery of oil, Nigeria can be said to be suffering from the Dutch Disease, which is caused by sudden large increases in the country\’s foreign income. Dutch Disease is primarily associated with a natural resource discovery, resulting in a large increase in foreign revenue, including foreign direct investment, foreign aid or a substantial increase in natural resource prices. This has two main effects. First, there is a decrease in price competitiveness, as the country\’s manufactured goods are overpriced in the global market. Second, there is an increase in imports because of the increase in income to the government (too much wealth managed unwisely). The Dutch Disease pushes out local manufacturing and negatively affects the social contract, because the government no longer relies on local revenues, such as taxes, but on foreign revenue.
The issue affecting the economy is that of low productivity arising from Nigeria’s poor power supply infrastructure which has affected industrial production. The power corporations have not been able to meet local demand due to ageing infrastructure and limited generation capacity. Due to the low supply of power in the country, manufacturers rely on generators to augment the local supply. This has made the cost of production very high and unattractive to foreign firms that may want to invest in the country. Consequently, the industrial sector accounts for only 5% of the country’s GDP. (NI, 2009)
The FGN distribution of revenues from oil has also been controversial. In the 1971 allocation, the FGN retained nearly of the revenue, went to the states and to local governments.(Lewis, 2011: 6) The FGN applied complex formulas and demographic data using land and population to determine revenue allocations to the states. Over the years, this formula has been altered based on pressures from the states that are overly reliant on revenue from the FGN. Currently, the FGN takes the states take and the local government gets about . Additionally, the FGN allocates about 1 of onshore petroleum revenues to the oil producing states. (Lewis, 2011:6). This practice centralized too much power and resources at the center. It also favored states with large population densities and land mass, irrespective of the derivable revenues in those states to the 10 detriment of those with low population densities and a high revenue base. This has become a contentious issue between the north, that has a large land mass and population; and the south, where oil is found. Therefore, a review of the revenue formula that is more favorable to the generating units may be necessary.
The FGN is doing well in the collection of revenue through taxation. The income, corporate and sales tax rates stand at , and 5respectively. The Chairman of the Federal Income Revenue Services (FIRS), Mrs. Ifueko Omoigui-Okaru, confirmed that revenue collection in the country presently is still very low, with coming from the agro sector and derivable from the federal agencies under the pay as you earn scheme. (Agabi, 2011:6). The FIRS is of the opinion that revenue generation can be substantially increased with improved monitoring mechanisms to plug the existing loop holes in the system, especially the tax-defaulters. Productive utilization of these revenues would create more jobs which can help address the socio-economic problems in the country.
Currently the country is able to harness only of her agro produce from farms due to the poor state of roads and non-existent storage facilities to preserve crops. Consequently Nigeria resorts to the importation of food even though the country has the capacity to be self-sufficient and even export food to other countries. Thus, the country incurs huge losses of income that could have been utilized for further development. The poor investment climate and low industrial development are the main reasons for the high unemployment rate in the country, which currently stands at . (NBII, 2011:10). A large percentage of the unemployed are youths of ages 18 to 30 years, most of whom are university graduates desiring to earn a decent living, but have not had the opportunity of having jobs. This is the main cause of youth restiveness and the attendant social problems in the country. (NBII, 2011:10).
Social deficiencies
Nigeria is a country with about 250 ethnic groups that share different cultural values. (NHGGC, 2011) The society is not homogenous; therefore, there is no common language for communication, apart from English, which is the official language. Northern Nigeria is inhabited by the Hausa-Fulani, who are predominantly Muslims, but Hausa is a second language as the various groups also use their indigenous languages. (Bach, 2006:63) The same applies for the west and east of Nigeria, where the Yoruba and Ibo languages are largely spoken. (Bach, 2006:64) Diversity of cultures should be a source of strength due to the different variety of skills, abilities, knowledge and large human capacity it brings with it. It can also be a source of tribal and social conflict if not well managed by the government.
The political elites in Nigeria, since independence, have not managed this social complexity well. (Bach, 2006:63) They have manipulated the masses using religious and tribal sentiments to win elections, which has caused nepotism and a big divide in the social fabric of the nation. The political class has been insensitive and has pursued quick personal gains to the detriment of the larger society. (Lewis, 2011:3). This conduct undermines public trust, confidence and the authority of the government, which are essential for nation building. (Lewis, 2011:3).
Nigeria has lately witnessed some crises with religious undertones in some parts of the Northeast and North-Central Regions. Before the restoration of democracy in 1999, the country was largely ruled by people from the North in both the civil and military regimes. However, recent elections have witnessed changes to this trend with the election of two presidents from Southern Nigeria, Olusegun Obasanjo and Goodluck Jonathan, in 1999 and 2011 respectively. (Paden, 2013:3). Northern political dominance in the country seems to be waning and this has led to some religious clashes in areas where the Northern and Southern regions meet like Jos, in Plateau State. (Johnson, 2011:12)
Recent bombings and attacks by the Boko Haram radical Islamic group in Maiduguri, Jos and Abuja seem to suggest disenfranchisement with the new political transformation in the country. (Johnson, 2011:12)
The emergence of Boko Haram may signify the maturation of long-festering extremist impulses that run deep in some states in Northern Nigeria. This may have arisen from decades of failed government projects and elite delinquency, resulting in social chaos.
Boko Haram alleges that western values are the corrupting influence in the governance of Nigeria. The group claims to fight injustice and poverty, which appeals to a segment of the uneducated Muslim population of the North. The sect is also disillusioned with the way Sharia law, which was partially introduced in 1999 by some Northern governors, has been implemented, citing double standards. The law seemed not to be applicable to the elites and was only meant for the poor masses that constitute about of the population and live on less than $1.25 a day. (Johnson, 2011:13).
They allege that corruption is pervasive in Nigeria and has turned public service into a criminal enterprise. They also claim that political office-holders are corrupt and have denied the masses basic health and education services. (Johnson, 2011:13).
Unfortunately, in pursuit of their grievances, Boko Haram has used extremist religious platforms which have terrorist linkages.
Tribalism is another social malaise in Nigeria which has hampered economic growth. (Akunneto, 2011) Tribalism destroys meritocracy, which is a system which rewards people for their achievement. On the contrary, tribalism sometimes promotes mediocrity, which breeds the discontent that leads to ethno-religious tensions and hinders the spirit of nationalism. Meritocracy fosters competitiveness in society and drives people to work hard, which in turn create innovations that rule the world. (Zakaria, 2011:13) The Nigerian political class has not been able to address the problem of tribalism since the end of the Nigerian Civil War in 1970, maybe due to the lack of political will. Historically, most Nigerian politicians use tribal sentiments in politicking for electoral appointments and find it difficult to depart from the practice since the system created them. (Lewis, 2011:1).
The division of Nigeria into an increasing number of dependent states may have helped to contain centrifugal tendencies but at a huge cost; as the states use ethno religious sentiments, which often take violent forms, to compete for financial rewards from the FGN. The legal status of settlers and indigenous Nigerians, which was inserted in the 1979 and 1999 Constitutions, has been contentious. (Bach, 2006:79). The term ―Indigene refers to a person whose parents or grandparents were a member of a community indigenous to that state. This description of indigenous status is linked to blood ties as opposed to residency, and is central to the implementation of the federal character doctrine. (Bach, 2006:79).
The indigene status dichotomy has unwittingly created opportunities for discrimination among Nigerians. The issue was exploited during the Second Republic (1979 to 1983) and throughout the fifteen years of military rule. In most states non-indigenes are discriminated against in appointments, the allocation of scholarships, the award of contracts, access to education and health services. This has been the main cause of ethno-religious tensions in cosmopolitan states like Kano, Kaduna, and Plateau.
The education sector in Nigeria over the years has shown some increase in the number of people who can write and speak English and have attained high school standards. The literacy rate in Nigeria in 2002 was 57.10% and has increased to about by 2010 estimates. (Agbola, 2003:6) The country has about 90 universities, comprising 30 federal, 28 state and 32 private universities. (University Nigeria, 2007:2).
These institutions produce thousands of graduates yearly which are supposed to be pivotal to the capacity building efforts of any nation. The FGN has done a good job in building these educational institutions but the quality of education provided by the universities has been on the decline due to poor funding. Furthermore, only a small percentage of these graduates gain employment after their courses, thereby creating frustration and restiveness among these youths and limiting capacity building opportunities as well as decreasing government legitimacy.
There exists an uneven wealth distribution in Nigeria, with a huge gap between the very few extra wealthy and the poor masses. The wealth resides in the hands of a few who mostly are not engaged in productive ventures. These few have access to government contracts which are consumptive and not productive in nature. This strategy cannot eliminate poverty or create economic growth. The views expressed by some Nigerians based in the U.S. indicate that the harsh economic environment has shrunk the middle class over the years. It is the middle class which plays an important role in the democratization process and also provides employment avenues for the masses. (Özbudu, 2005:102).
Economic reforms like the Austerity Measures Program, Structural Adjustment Program (SAP), and the National Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (NEEDS), have made marginal achievements, but have not brought the desired succor to the masses. (Bach, 2006:71) For instance, the reforms are supposed to improve basic infrastructure such as electricity generation, portable water and roads but, unfortunately, these public utilities are still inefficient. (Utomi, 2004:126). If the power goes off at night in cities like Lagos, Abuja or Onitsha, the rich turn on their private generators and enjoy the comfort of their exotic homes. In contrast, the masses that are poor and are unable to afford generators remain in their small congested apartments and battle with the heat and mosquitoes through the night. While relatively few rich people live in affluence, (most of which were acquired through corrupt means), the poor masses live in squalor and abject poverty. (Johnson, 2011:2)
The judiciary in Nigeria is also having some challenges in meeting the expectations of the populace. The judiciary in most developed societies is the last hope of the populace for justice and adjudication. Over the years, the judiciary in Nigeria has lived up to its billing in interpreting and adjudicating the law in accordance with the provisions of the constitution. (Ihekweazu, 2012:4) They have also resolved numerous political disputes, but are also facing challenges with corruption and manipulation by the rich who fragrantly break laws with impunity. This creates a situation where the rich elites are believed to be untouchable and above the law; this affects the psyche and value system of the people. A society lacking in good values and an equitable justice system presents an environment for anarchy and socio-economic problems. (Ihekweazu, 2012:4) The uncertainty and volatility which exists in Nigeria creates a fear of the future in the minds of people which pushes them to indulge in the illicit acquisition of funds and corrupt practices in almost all sectors.
Over the years, there has been a problem with law enforcement caused by poorly trained and ineffective police forces and slow judicial processes. For instance, in the U.S., there is a rule of thumb to have about three to four police officers to 1,000 people (PACP 2011:2) and recent estimates indicate that there are about 2.3 million people of her population in prison. This reflects effective policing which deters crime. The United Nations prescribed a minimum ratio of 1:400 police officers to citizens, but this may be hard to achieve in Nigeria because of the cost factor.
Presently, the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) has about 350,000 personnel for a country with a population of about 150 million. The NPF crime fighting equipment is obsolete, which compels them to employ antiquated policing methods. Hence, the country is largely under-policed, since there is hardly the presence and availability of modern crime fighting resources. (Daily Champion, 2009:3). Relatively speaking, the crime rate in Nigeria is not high but the inability of the police to detect and neutralize criminal networks is the problem. These criminal networks sometimes hijack any state of unrest in the country to further their criminal activities, which exacerbates the unrest and ultimately leads to low intensity conflicts. Low intensity conflicts in the country are usually beyond the capacity of the police to handle; thereby necessitating the use of the military to quell the crises. The judiciary is also very slow at dispensing justice; (Ihekweazu, 2012:4). This usually creates a sense desperation, or hopelessness, amongst the people who are aggrieved. Justice delayed may sometimes be viewed as justice denied. The weaknesses of these institutions are largely responsible for the abuse of law and order, and socio-economic problems currently observed in the country. The socio-economic problems in Nigeria can have adverse consequences on her international obligations
The study therefore gives further research among others that the amnesty program should be restructured to address fundamental issue in Niger Delta such as socio-economic development, inter community difference and ethnic groups in Niger Delta
5.2 Conclusion
With the large number of assorted arms and ammunition surrendered by the militants through the amnesty initiative of the late president Yar Adua\’s administration, relative peace and improved security situation is now evident. The program has been able to pave way for the cessation of arm conflict and wanton destruction of lives and properties and other forms of criminality in Niger Delta region. Emanating from the peaceful and stable environment is the boost in Nigerian economy through undisrupted and increased oil production. However the gain of the amnesty is lopsided. They are negatively skewed in disfavor of millions of the inhabitants of the host communities in Niger delta. The amnesty initiative is nothing but a militant-centered program that undermines the plight of the entire Niger Delta people.
Whatever benefits that accrue to the people only go to the few youths who accepted the amnesty offer, abnegated militancy and surrendered their arms. However it should be noted that those who renounced militancy constitute a very infinitesimal percentage of Niger delta population so taking them to the camp and re-integrating them does not in any way address the problem of underdevelopment in Niger Delta. The amnesty is silent about the plight of Niger Delta people that cause and reinforced violence agitation in the region. In other words, the amnesty program has not been able to remove them from what sachs (2005) refers to as poverty trap-a situation in which degraded environment, poor health, poor education, poor infrastructure and poor standard of living reinforce one another.
The adoption of the amnesty program in solving the problems of Niger Delta crisis by Yar Adua has proved to be the best of all the past efforts of government at solving Niger Delta crisis. Although. in the view of many, the amnesty program has given Niger delta in particular and the country in general a bad peace and only a proper and prompt address of the various issues that occasioned Niger Delta crisis can consolidate the gain of the amnesty program and the failure of which might lead to the re-emergence of more crisis in the region.