Essay: Has China's increased presence in Africa has influenced Norwegian aid policies

1. INTRODUCTION
The increased Chinese engagement in Africa pose both challenges and opportunities for African development is widely debated (Tjønneland, Brandtzæg, Kolås, & Le Pere, 2006), however – how the increased Chinese engagement affect other countries diplomatic and development engagements on the continent, has hardly been subject for academic scrutiny. The Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and NORAD in 2006 commissioned a report from CMI to present to “present and review the new Chinese engagement in Africa and to identify and discuss implications for Norwegian foreign and development policies”(Tjønneland et al., 2006). This clearly indicates how the Norwegian assumed such an impact. According to the CMI report the Chinese Africa diplomatic policy and relations has major implications for development on the continent and also for major players in African continent. No study has systematically explored this subject after this study, though there have been some media debate diplomats like Veslemøy Lothe Salvesen and researchers like Simon Pahle and Nina Witoszek , suggesting such a change.
This speculation has also been reiterated by a growing debate in the Norwegian media over Norway’s aid policies been influenced by the booming Chinese presence in Africa. In an article published in Dagsavisen published on 12 January 2012 it argues that there is too much coziness in Norwegian development assistance . One important puzzle that needs to be answered from this growing debate and discussions among scholars and diplomats is whether China’s interest in Africa does have any influence on aid politics in Norway. Has Norway really changed their aid politics towards Africa?
In addition to this debate, there are several changes in Norwegian aid policies and priorities towards Africa, but the big question is, could these changes be linked to the Chinese interest in Africa? Figures obtained from NORAD show diversion of Norwegian aid to Africa from public sector support to private, which is more of investment. In sum, Norway’s aid policies and programmes have changed over the years and more focusing on the private sector in the recipient countries other than the public sector. However, as to whether these changes could be attributed to China’s engagement in Africa remains a mystery that this thesis seeks to unravel.
The purpose of this thesis therefore is to present and review the Chinese engagement in Africa (i.e identify the size and characteristics of Chinese engagement) and to identify and discuss whether and how Norwegian diplomatic engagements in Africa, has been influenced by this Chinese dominance in Africa since 2000. China´s aid is characterized by no political or economic conditional ties, focus more on development of areas linked to resources vitally needed in China, mostly concessional loans, collateral resources as payment for loans etc. The thesis will relatively assess Norwegian foreign and development policies in aid and investment with some countries in Africa that are endowed with natural resources that Norway may be interested in, like oil, minerals etc, by making comparative analysis with Norway´s engagement with African states that are not endowed with these resources. This will help to reveal whether Norway´s interest in Africa is changing.
The reason for reviewing and discussing Norway’s engagement with some countries in Africa that are endowed with natural resources is because, interest in natural resources has been the driving force of China´s engagement in Africa. According to Dr. Sumit Roy, “China has also been investing heavily in Africa’s natural resources. This is exemplified by its pledge to invest around $4 billion in Nigeria in return for oil rights, and its offer to Angola of $4 billion of concessional credit to be paid at a later date in oil”(DR. Sumit Roy, 2014). Since China is interested in natural resources, relative comparism of Norway’s engagements with some of the naturally resourceful countries in Africa that are recipient of Norwegian aid will help to know whether China’s interest in these resources has influenced Norway’s interests in Africa.
In terms of setting, the thesis will specifically review and discuss how and whether China’s engagement in Africa has influenced aid politics in Norway since 2000. Even though China’s engagement in Africa has been in existence before 2000, “China initiated a permanent Forum on China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC) in the year 2000. It has emerged as the chief instrument and mechanism for dialogue and co-operation between Africa and China”(Tjønneland et al., 2006). The thesis will review how and whether Norway’s aid politics has been influenced from this period that China officially launched and entrenched their interest in Africa through the initiation of FOCAC. I will take a historical look at Norway´s engagement before and after China´s dominance in Africa and the changing trend of these engagements.
In 2013, about 51 countries in Africa received diverse forms of Norwegian aid according to NORAD website. Norway’s aid politics in Oil exploring countries in Africa that have established cooperation with Norway in the Oil for Development (OfD) shall be reviewed and discussed in this thesis . The purpose here is to find out if this cooperation could be link to China´s FOCAC. Using the OfD partner countries will help since the OfD attaches great importance to reviewing Norwegian aid assistance to Africa and analyzes the results of the development assistance provided by Norway(Norad, 2014). Angola, Ghana, Mozambique, Liberia, Sudan, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda are the 8 partner countries in African where the OfD programme is currently undergoing although there are other African countries where some programmes are been held(Norad, 2014). The basic question is, what has been the brain behind the OfD? How is the OfD different or similar to the China´s FOCAC in Africa? The research will not cover Liberia, Sudan and South Sudan simply because there is currently no oil exploration in Liberia and the secession of the South Sudan from Sudan in 2011 will make it difficult to link Norway’s aid politics before 2011 to any of the conjoined twin countries. The thesis therefore review and discuss Norway’s aid politics in Angola, Ghana, Liberia, Tanzania and Uganda who are the 5 oil exploration countries in Africa and partners the OfD and make comparative analysis with FOCAC in Africa.
The aim of the research.
The main aim of this research is to understand how and whether China’s increased presence in Africa has influenced Norwegian aid policies towards Africa since 2000.
Problem Statement
China’s vastly increased involvement in Africa over the past decade is one of the most significant recent developments in the region and bring a lot of political consequences to many donor countries in Africa(Tull, 2006). In 1999 the value of China’s trade with Africa was $2 billion; by 2005 this had grown to $39.7 billion. This figure is estimated to reach top the $100 billion mark by the end of the decade (Taylor, 2006). Driven by a desire to obtain sources of raw materials and energy for China’s continuing economic growth and open up new export markets for Chinese products, China’s engagement is characterized by a mixture of aid and investment(Taylor, 2006). “The lion’s share of China’s officially supported finance is not actually official development assistance (ODA)”. Export credits, non‐concessional state loans or aid which are the main characteristics and which are used to foster Chinese investment do not fall into the category of ODA (Bräutigam, 2011).
China-Africa relation is becoming an interesting topic in respect of Africa’s international relations and is attracting more and more attention from researchers, media houses, diplomats and policy-makers in the Western world and also many players on the African playing turf(Taylor, 2006). The main discourse has been Chinese mixture of aid with investment within the development arena in Africa.
In recent times the influence of Chinese mixture of aid with investment within the development discourse has become a topic of discussion in the Norwegian media. Some Norwegian researchers and diplomats have argued that the Chinese interest in Africa will influence Norwegian aid politics in Africa. Since 2000, the China factor has increased and this research looks into how they relate to Norway’s aid politics in Africa. Since China is interested in natural resources especially oil and mostly mix aid and investment, this thesis expects that if these discussions within the Norwegian media is something to go by then the Norwegian aid should also be characterized by the following:
➢ Increased aid to naturally resourceful countries like oil countries in Africa
➢ Increased relative share of private investment
➢ Mixture of aid with Investment
➢ Increased focus on Development of infrastructure linked to resources
➢ Use of colleteral resources as payment for loans
2. OBJECTIVES AND RESEARCH QUESTIONS
The main objective of this research is to to provide a more detailed presentation and analysis of how the Chinese factor has influenced Norway’s engagement in Africa.
Research Question(s):
Research Question
➢ Has China influenced Norwegian engagements in Africa and how does it affect Norwegian aid politics in Africa?
Sub Questions:
➢ What are the characteristics of China´s foreign aid in Africa?
➢ How is the Norwegian aid in Africa different or similar to the China´s foreign aid in Africa?
➢ Has the Norwegian aid changed since 2000?
➢ Has Norwegian engagement in Africa has been influenced by the Chinese presence?
➢ Can we explain China and Norwegian interest in Africa from the realist perspective?
➢ Are the Norwegian engagements in Africa a pursuit of national interest?
3. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK AND OR LITERATURE REVIEW
In terms of theoretical framework, I will use the realist assumptions of national interest, power and sovereignty to understand this research. Realist explain national interest of a states as the goals and ambitions either in terms of economic, military, political or cultural that the states hopes to achieve(Baylis, Smith, & Owens, 2013). According to them, the national interest of every state is survival and the change in distribution represents a direct threat to their survival. That is the pursuit of one state´s national interest tends to influence other states actions when they see that their national interest is under threat.
Realist again argues that the national interest of a state is the main driving force of a state´s actions and behavior in the international system. States are always struggling for power within the international system with each state trying to maximize their national interest, even smaller state (Baylis et al., 2013). In a news paper article, former international Development Erik Solheim argues that it is good that Norway also thinks of her own national interest when Norway gives aid to other countries . The question is has Norway really been pursuing her interest through aid to Africa?
Realist explains power not only in terms of military but also in terms of economic resources and wealth of a state. This desire to maximize national interest by states leads to what realist referred to as balance of power whereby states act to compel others from dominating (Baylis et al., 2013). They argued that the actions of states in pursuing their national interest tend to influence other states, especially smaller states, to act through cooperation, alliances and diplomacy with other states to prevent their interest been vanquished by the dominance of a bigger state or hegemonic states. “Thus the world politics is all about bargaining and alliances, with diplomacy a key mechanism for balancing various national interest” (Baylis et al., 2013, p. 4). Realist argues that smaller or weaker states can come together through cooperation and alliances to form a powerful force against any rising power.
In terms of sovereignty, realist explain that there is no actor above the state that can compel the state to act in a certain way (Baylis et al., 2013). That is no state or actors like the international organizations can compel, multi national cooperation cannot compel states to act in against the will of the states. However, Lindsay Whitfield in his book “The politics of Aid; African Strategies for Dealing with Donors”, agues that aid compels states to loose their sovereignty because donor states sometimes impose policies or establish some sequence of reforms which all override the states sovereignty.
The theoretical assumptions that this research seeks to explore using the realist theory of international relations are:
• How has Norwegian interest in Africa been influenced by China´s pursuit of own commercial interest in Africa?
• What actions has Norway taken to prevent their interest being vanquished by China´s interest in Africa?
• Can we say that the oil for development (OFD) is a form of cooperation with African states by Norway to balance power with China in the oil industry?
• How has the African states sovereignty been interfered by Chinese and Norwegian aid politics in Africa?
Since 2000, Chinese influence in Africa has expanded through economic assistance and the provision of aid to many African States has expanded. China does mix aid with investment and her economic expansion and dominance in Africa has led to a heated debate among scholars about the nature of Chinese involvement and its implications for the continent and other donor countries. The debate is instigated by the rapid growth of China’s economic presence in Africa (Bräutigam, 2010).
The debate of Chinese interest in Africa and mix of aid with investment has, in recent times, been debated in the Norwegian media. Some scholars and diplomat have suggested that Norwegian engagement in Africa has been influenced by China´s dominance and interest in Africa. They relate this to the change in the focus of Norwegian aid in Africa from public sector into private sector. Aid is increasingly been used for investment but could this be a reflection of Chinese influence on Norwegian aid politics?
There is also growth of activities by Norwegian oil companies in Africa. Norway has for more than a decade run the Oil for Development program (OFD). From a realist perspective; assuming that states act in its own interest and this research will explore if this can be seen as a tool for ‘opening doors’ for Norwegian oil companies; is that kind of benign ‘oil diplomacy’ feasible when China comes in and pays whatever grease money it takes to get the contracts? These are the main questions that this thesis hopes to answer.
Research Framework
The thesis will first identify the characteristics and interest of China´s aid in Africa and make comparative analysis with the Norwegian engagement in Africa. The purpose here is to find out if Chinese Mixture of aid with investment has influenced Norway´s engagement in Africa. The main focus 0f the comparative analysis of China and Norwegian aid in Africa shall encompass the following areas:
➢ Norwegian and Chinese aid policy
➢ Norwegian and Chinese aid practice
➢ Norwegian and Chinese aid percentage
➢ Norwegian and Chinese aid focus or sector development
➢ Norwegian and Chinese conditional ties
➢ Norwegian and Chinese aid modalities
➢ Norwegian and Chinese other areas of cooperation in Africa
➢ Norwegian and Chinese interest in Africa
Norway´s engagement in Countries like Angola, Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda, who are the 5 oil exploration countries in Africa and partners of the OfD program as well as other naturally resourceful countries in Africa, shall also be brought under the microscope of this thesis. The main reason for this is to identify if and how Norway has increased aid to naturally resourceful countries like oil countries in Africa and also to find out whether Chinese desire and interest in natural resources like oil and minerals in Africa have influenced Norway.
The framework of this thesis will also take historical look at the trend in Norwegian aid in Africa before and after China´s dominance in Africa and try to identify if there have been changes in the Norwegian aid trend. If there have been changes, then I will assess how the Chinese booming presence in Africa could be linked to this changing trend in Norwegian aid politics in Africa. Using the Norwegian Aid Statistics from NORAD the research will take a critical look at the sectors that have been the main focus of Norwegian aid from 2000 and investigate whether and how Chinese interest in Africa from 2000 has changed the aid politics of Norway. This will help to identify if there is increase relative share of private investment.
The framework of the research will also examine the nature of Norwegian aids before the expansion of China’s interest in Africa and make comparative analysis to establish the changes in the balance between aid, development and investment of Norwegian aid politics.
I will interview Norwegian diplomats, journalist and researchers in Oslo and Bergen to examine whether and how the Chinese factor has played a role in the changing trend of Norwegian aid politics in Africa. Some African diplomats in Stockholm, Accra and Oslo shall also be interviewed to have their views on whether and how China has influenced aid politics of other donor countries.
4. RESEARCH PLAN
This is the overall research strategy which includes study area or setting, methods of data collection and analysis, limitations and ethical considerations as well as timetable and resource needs (Berg B. L. & Lune H., 2012).
STUDY AREA/SETTING
Norwegian engagements in Africa shall be the main case for this paper. The thesis will examine, review and discuss the Norwegian aid politics in Africa. Norway provides aid many countries in Africa and this research will first take relative comparison of Norwegian aid to naturally resourceful countries in Africa like Angola, Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda, who are the 5 oil exploration countries in Africa and partners of the OfD. The main focus here is to examine the changes in Norway aid politics in these countries and examine how this could be link to the Chinese interest in African natural resources. The objective is to find out whether and how Chinese interest in natural resources has influenced Norway to increase aid to naturally resourceful countries like oil countries in Africa.
The scope of the paper will take a historical look at Norwegian engagement in Africa before 2000 and juxtaposition it with the period from 2000 when China initiated a permanent Forum on China-Africa Co-operation (FOCAC). This initiation symbolically marks the beginning of China’s dominance in Africa. Even though China had been in Africa long before this date, their activities were not massive as from this period (Tjønneland et al., 2006). It must also be emphasized here that Norwegian aid had been in Africa long before 2000 but the purpose here is to examine how and whether the initiation of China’s interest into Africa had some bearing in changes in Norwegian aid politics from this period (Norad, 2014). The analysis of this paper will focus on the period between 2000 and 2013 using the Norwegian Aid Statistics from NORAD as well as interview conducted as the basis of the argument and make comparative analysis with the period before 2000.
METHODS OF DATA COLLECTION AND ANALYSIS
The research will use qualitative research strategy as the primary source of data collection. The use of secondary data shall also be used as another source of data collection. I will conduct formal interviews with diplomats (former and current) from Norway who have or are working in Africa to find out how they feel about Norwegian engagements in Africa and with the dominance of China in Africa.
Researchers, scholars and journalist from Norway who have interest in Norwegian aid politics and have aired their views about the influence of China on Norwegian engagements in Africa shall also be interviewed. The key variable for this interview is why they argued that China’s interest in Africa has had some significant influence on Norwegian engagement in Africa.
Diplomats and researchers from the donor recipient countries in Africa and those interested in African international relations or Chinese presence in Africa shall also be interviewed. The objective here is to find out about their tips on the topic.
In other to examine the research topic from different perspective, interviews shall be extended to cover other diplomats and embassies that also offer aid in Africa to find out if the Chinese factor has had some influence in their aid politics. The purpose of this is to examine the topic from different perspective and to have a solid foundation for the conclusion.
The use of secondary data shall be another source of data collection. Oil for Development reports, statistical data, books, articles, research and news about the topic shall be referred to know how some scholars perceived the Chinese factor. Statistical data on Norwegian aid from NORAD shall be big source of inspiration for the analysis of the thesis. Norwegian engagements in Africa before and after 2000 shall be the focused of the data analysis.
LIMITATIONS / ETHICAL CONSIDERATIONS
One major challenge this research is anticipating is the number of countries to use in reviewing and discussing Norwegian aid. About 51 countries in Africa received various forms of Norwegian aid and this research will primarily take a relative review of Norwegian engagement in African countries endowed with natural resources desired in Norway especially the 5 African countries that are partners of the OfD. The challenge here is, does this means Norway aid politics is only limited to the 5 OfD partners in Africa? Is the Norwegian aid diverting and focusing on oil producing or exploring countries?
In dealing with this challenge, the research shall also inculcate examples from other Norwegian aid recipient countries in Africa when necessary. Researchers and scholars from these other countries shall also be interviewed to triangulate the topic.
Another anticipating challenge has to do with resources needed to conduct effective data collection. Since the researcher has to interview diplomats in Norway and from other countries whose embassies are located in Sweden, he would need more resources that would include accommodation and means of transport within and outside Norway to meet diplomats, researchers, journalists etc. for the interview. In all I am aiming at interviewing 10 diplomats, 5 from Norway and 5 from other countries. I will also interview officials from NORAD, researchers and journalist.
Ethical considerations
Seeking respondents consent to the interview is one ethical issue that will be adhered to (Berg B. L. & Lune H., 2012, p. 92). Having studied the ‘ten commandments of interviewing’ by Berg & Lune (2012:151), respondents will be treated with great respect and will be to feel comfortable.
Before the main interview, I will first engage respondents on informal issues in Africa since I am from and has been a teacher in Africa for several years. I will first brief the respondents about the set-up of the interview and will provide the subjects with an information sheet containing all information about the research process. Informed consent is a fundamental of ethical research (Cassell & Young, 2002), and relevant part of this is the quality of information provided to potential subjects. I will use semi-structured interviews for the data collection. I will have different set questions for diplomats, researchers and journalist.
Resource needs
The table below shows the resources needed to conduct the project. These are all estimated cost that is subject to change depending on the economic situation at the time of the project. The prices are based on the current economic prices.
BUDGET COST (NOK)
Stationaries and administration 1000
Air ticket (Accra, Sweden, Bergen) 8000
Hotel Accommodation 2000
Food & drinks 1000
Transportation (Within Norway) 1500
Miscellaneous 500
TOTAL 14,000
Time table
This is 9 weeks research programme that will commence from 1st week of March 2015 to the 4th week. The activities do not include sending of letters to the interviewees to request for the interview. The main activities within the 5 weeks are as follows:
Week 1
➢ Surveying of the environment.
➢ Reminding the interviewees of the date for the interview.
➢ Gathering and testing of equipment need for the interview
Week 2 – 7
Data collection through conducting of interviews
DATE INTERVIWEE PLACE
WEEK 2 & 3 RSEARCHERS OSLO/BERGEN
WEEK 4 OFFICIALS FROM NORAD OSLO
WEEK 5 & 6 JOURNALIST NORWAY
WEEK 7 & 8 DIPLOMATS IN NORWAY NORWAY
WEEK 7 & 8 AFRICAN DIPLOMATS OSLO, STOCKHOLM, ACCRA
Week 9
Review of collected data to correct any missing information.
5. REFERENCES
Baylis, J., Smith, S., & Owens, P. (2013). The globalization of world politics: an introduction to international relations: Oxford University Press.
Berg B. L. & Lune H. (2012). Qualitative research methods for the social sciences (8 ed.). Boston: Pearson.
Bräutigam, D. (2010). China, Africa and the international aid architecture: African development bank.
Bräutigam, D. (2011). Aid ‘With Chinese Characteristics’: Chinese Foreign Aid and Development Finance Meet the OECD‐DAC Aid Regime. Journal of international development, 23(5), 752-764.
Cassell, J., & Young, A. (2002). Why we should not seek individual informed consent for participation in health services research. Journal of Medical Ethics, 28(5), 313-317.
DR. Sumit Roy. (2014). China and India, “Rrising Powers” and African development”: Challenges and Opportunities. The Nordic Africa Institute.
Norad. (2014). Oil For Development Report 2013, Annual Report 2013. Oslo: Norwegian Agency for Development Cooperation.
Taylor, I. (2006). China’s oil diplomacy in Africa. International affairs, 82(5), 937-959.
Tjønneland, E. N., Brandtzæg, B., Kolås, Å., & Le Pere, G. (2006). China in Africa. Implications for Norwegian foreign and development policies. CMI Report, 2006(15).
Tull, D. M. (2006). China’s engagement in Africa: scope, significance and consequences. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 44(03), 459-479.