Since its emergence, the internet has revolutionised communication and connectivity by offering innovative tools and features that enhance social and public participation. Social networks have been at the centre of this transformation, by providing user-generated content with limitless possibilities –bringing interactivity to its greatest state yet, with an amplitude of around 2.3 billion users out of the 3.5 billion internet users around the globe as of 2016 (Statista, 2016a; b).
Social technologies are exceptionally popular amongst the teenage population, as they enable free and independent engagement in the public world, as well as identity experimentation and self-expression (Turkle, 2011; Boyd, 2014; Spies Shapiro and Margolin, 2014). For teenagers, social networking sites (SNS) constitute an entryway to social participation, as they often substitute the time they crave to spend with friends, as modern society’s increasing compulsion to security prompts most parents to restricting them from meeting friends outside of school hours (Boyd, 2014). Pew Research Centre’s reports indicate that only 25 per cent of American teenagers aged 13-17 meet with their friends outside of school daily, 93 per cent are active on SNS, while 56 per cent admit to going online several times daily, and 24 per cent ‘almost constantly’ (Lenhart, 2015a; b). These numbers indicate that mediated interactions are turning into a norm and the primary form of interactivity amongst teenagers. It is hence important not only for adolescents, but society in general, to be aware of social networks’ implications on people’s sociality.
Scholars have examined the effects of the social media revolution on teenagers through various spectrums. Turkle (2011; 2012) emphasises the fact that today’s teenagers grow up networked and constantly connected, as she believes it significantly impacts their lives. She argues that they are at risk of being unable to develop empathetic skills, and deep, meaningful relationships. This is because they become accustomed to the easy and continual access to others, and are captivated by the freedom SNS offer to sociality, but are unable to realise that conversely, they are deducting actual relationships to momentary interactions as they sink in the convenience mediation provides. As technological affordances determine the environment networked publics inhabit, they also define the forms of engagement that occur within them (Boyd, 2011). Most studies tend to focus on how networked technologies and their capabilities affect social dynamics, behaviour and individuals themselves. Social technologies, amongst an array of activities, offer access to an immense number of individuals and information, and convenience to social relations, as one can engage whenever, wherever and with whomever they want (Turkle, 2011). Despite this, as SNS are the primary social participation environments for adolescents (Turkle, 2011; Spies Shapiro and Margolin, 2014; Boyd, 2014), they feel compelled to continually engage with online activities, not only to satisfy their peers’ expectations, but to sustain their networked communities and their social position within them (Turkle, 2011; Parks, 2011; Vasanth and Swamy, 2013). At the same time, their sociality becomes increasingly complex as it is hard for them to fully interpret and continuously acknowledge the ever-changing, social dynamics and indefinite audiences that exist in networked environments. In their efforts to be socially active and interact with their communities, teenagers develop strategies to help manage these complexities (Boyd, 2008).
The aim of this study is to observe this phenomenon from a different point of view; instead of focusing on how technology reforms individuals’ behaviour and social practices, rather focus on the redefined strategical behaviour of teenagers itself, and by taking it as a given, seek to discover what it implies about their sociality. The study will address the following research questions:
1. What is the strategic behaviour of Cypriot teenagers (16-18 y/o) on SNS (Facebook & Instagram)?
2. How does it affect their social relations, and what does it imply about the forms of community, cooperation and competition on the platforms?
To achieve this, the literature (Chapter 2) on social media’s effects on teenagers was examined to initially develop an understanding of the new ‘state’ of teenagers and their social lives. Analysing academic studies on the most prominent behaviours observed to occur on SNS, provided a perspective on where existing knowledge on the topic lies, and therefore an essential foundation for this research’s focus. Finally, to accomplish a more critical viewpoint, both topics were evaluated by applying social theories on the subjects of individualism and tribalism.
As the methodology explains (Chapter 3), data was obtained via the execution of three focus groups, comprising of 15 Cypriot teenagers. The interviews primarily focused on how they methodically present their visual content, and on the strategies they implement to achieve high Social networking sites (SNS) have become an asset to individuals’ sociality, as they enable the formation of one’s own public, with affordances that allow a free and readily available engagement with members of the community, when and to the extend one desires (Boyd, 2011; Turkle, 2011). A contributing factor to the appeal of social media use, is that SNS facilitate identity organisation, thus permitting the exhibition of a better self, which makes individuals feel more comfortable and confident as they participate in the social world of their networked communities (Turkle, 2011). By actively crafting their identities on their online profiles, individuals essentially articulate their desired position in a social circle through their own aesthetic paradigm, which is visible to the networked audience. Correspondingly, common aesthetics amongst individuals create shared affinities, thus uniting them in a social community. Individuals therefore develop methods that enable them to express, refine and establish social ranking (Maffesoli, 1996; Turkle, 2011). Being at the age of self-discovery and excitement to being independently active in the social world, teenagers are particularly engaged in the above processes, making SNS an integral part of their everyday lives (Turkle, 2011, Boyd, 2014).
As the first section of this chapter discusses, existing literature about teenagers’ engagement on SNS mainly examines the effects of technologies on their sense of self and their relations with others. Studies have observed that the ever-changing social dynamics of the platforms, have significantly reformed social interactions, thus turning teenagers’ experience of public life into a highly complicated course (Turkle, 2011; Boyd 2011; 2014). It has been discovered that as teenagers are growing up with this phenomenon, they develop strategies that help them manage the complexity of social participation on the platforms (Boyd, 2008).
Studies however lack in observations on what this strategic behaviour specifically entails. Consequently, as the aim of this study is to identify the strategic behaviour of teenagers, the second section of this chapter, will focus on academic studies that examine the most prominent behaviour on the platforms. As it will be presented, individuals are focused on visually expressing their identities (Mendelson and Papacharissi, 2011; Parks; 2011), and are particularly engrossed in attaining the acceptance of their online communities (Turkle, 2011).
2.1. A Networked Teenage Public
Today’s teenage population is widely perceived as inherently skilful with digital technologies and sparks the interest of media outlets who endorse this popular belief. They most commonly refer to adolescents as ‘Generation Z’ –the digital natives who have a very distinctive relationship with technology as they come of age with social networks and smartphones. They are often characterised by their profound awareness and exposure, and are known to be able to quickly process information and multitask (Benhamou, 2015; Williams, 2015; Hertz, 2016; Heilpern, 2016). Boyd (2014, p.177) finds this concept troubling as she believes it undermines the challenges they face in their networked lives and the need to provide them with the necessary knowledge that will give them the ability to ‘critically examine what they consume’. It is argued that teenagers do develop particular skills as they constantly experiment with technology to engage with peers, but those are only applicable to mediated social interactions and basic practices (Boyd, 2014). As SNS have become an integral part of teenagers’ everyday lives and sociality (Turkle, 2011; Spies Shapiro and Margolin, 2014), and considering that they have little ability to assess their digital submergence, it is interesting to discover the implications of heavily and heedlessly exploiting technology.
2.1.1. Being Present is Being Connected
Charles Baudelaire’s notion of ‘Flâneurs’ is to Boyd (2014, p.203), identical to teenagers’ engagement on social platforms. They are never mere observers, nor entirely exhibitionists; they are ‘gaining both from seeing and being seen, performing and watching others’. This reveals an interest in both belonging, and being active in a social community. This interest is natural, as most individuals feel content in a community, as it emphasises the aspects which unite them together in a group, thus helping them sustain their social relations (Maffesoli, 1996). Accordingly, the creation and maintenance of a virtual community requires the systematic and consistent engagement of its members in order to cultivate those shared qualities that are essential for the unification of distinct individuals (Parks, 2011). For teenagers, virtual communities constitute a significant feature of their social experience and it gives them satisfaction to have the ability to be constantly connected with their friends. However, their freedom to have access whenever they want to, becomes undermined from their community’s demand of its members’ commitment for its sustainability. Social participation has therefore taken the form of a duty, as peer pressure dictates to teenagers that sharing is essential to belong and ultimately be present in public life (Turkle, 2011; Vasanth and Swamy, 2013).
2.1.2. Connected: Free and Supressed
As social pressure has established the concept that one must give to receive, teenagers make themselves continuously accessible to the group, and subconsciously become accustomed to their peers’ consistent presence. This habit can easily turn into a need for constant communication and support. Teenagers can easily overlook the problematic aspects of this need, as the technologies accompanying them in their daily lives enable constant connectivity, thus turning continuous engagement amongst them into a norm (Turkle, 2011). This tendency is unwavering, as adolescents show an inability to critically evaluate the effects of their mediated sociality, as such submerging them into the cycle of needing, providing, and thus being accustomed to constant interactivity with peers (Turkle, 2011; Boyd, 2014). It is evident that SNS’s affordances mislead teenagers into believing they are in control of their social lives because they can independently engage with their communities, when they are in fact trapped into the increasing expectations of their peers (Turkle, 2011).
Establishing persistent connectivity as normative amongst their communities, has led adolescents to expect the support of their friends at any time and occasion, consequently undermining their ability to autonomously manage their feelings. As such, unresponsiveness or expecting a response that is taking longer than usual, instantly triggers feelings of anxiety (Turkle, 2011). The overreliance on mediated sociality which triggers this condition, is therefore turning teenage relationships into ‘sustaining and constraining’ (Turkle, 2011, p.174). Paradoxically, at the same time, social interactions become depersonalised due to the large volume of information and connections. The volume of content being substantially more than one can thoroughly process, leads teenagers into seeing others as points to be momentarily accessed, admired, or rejected – ‘something close to objects’, which puts one’s self at risk ‘to seeing itself as one’ (Turkle, 2011, p.254). As a result, real relationships are undermined into myriads of momentary interactions, resulting in making teenagers feel confined as they are obligated to fulfil them. Finally, as they are immersed in this social situation, sharing and being recognised by others turns into a prerequisite for the establishment of the self in the social world (Turkle, 2011)
2.1.3. The Self in Others
A drastically contributing factor to the new attitudes towards social relations is the fact that the digital social spaces inhabited by teenagers, are built in a way that encourages them to focus on presenting the self with the aim of gathering a public (Boyd, 2011). Teenagers predominantly seek to be accepted by and be appealing to their community. To achieve this, they employ distinct practices that aim at gaining the acknowledgment of the members of their community, which is considered to be critical for their social status (Boyd, 2014). This is because the perception of identity is valued higher when being involved in situations of collective participation, as one not only finds fulfilment in being affiliated with others, but also desires to be recognised and appreciated. Consequently, individuals are compelled to crafting their identities by focusing on what unites them with others (Maffesoli, 1996). As Bauman (2001, p.87) indicates, human identities do not carry their own unique meaning, but are rather created through experimentation and by compilation of previous references of self-imagery, making one’s self not an original, but a ‘palimpsest identity’.
Turkle (2011), through her analysis of identity expression on online spaces, expands on these concepts, suggesting that throughout their lives, individuals always work on the formation of their identities. Digital tools however, have enabled a different practice of forming an identity, as whatever one or one’s audience finds unsatisfactory, can be edited, refined, or simply deleted. Teenagers therefore develop their self-presentations by following the context of their environment, which is created through an ‘interplay between teens and the site’ (Boyd, 2014, p.39). This suggests that identity construction on SNS is not arbitrary, but shaped by the entities of the environment one inhabits and by managing impressions.
However, identity construction and impression management within a setting where not everyone shares the same norms and ideas, is a highly complex course. It is consequently confusing for teenagers to develop a firm understanding of their self, and despite their efforts, it also difficult for them to feel that they are established in their communities, as pleasing everyone is evidently impossible (Boyd, 2014). In their efforts to avoid the risk of being passed over, teens reduce their distinct identities to fit in the conventions of their social group, and ultimately achieve their acceptance (Turkle, 2011).
Turkle (2011) suggests that identity work on SNS, is essentially a combination of who one truly is and who one desires to be. As observed, what one desires to be is an arrangement of eliminating the unsatisfactory aspects, and an adaptation of what one’s networked public would appreciate. As social networks incorporate collapsing contexts and invisible audiences, which are hard for teenagers to manage and fully interpret, identity work becomes a struggle of their social routines (Boyd, 2014); as Beck and Beck-Gernsheim (2002, p.49) suggest, the process of constructing the self in conditions one cannot entirely understand ‘turns into desperation’. Consequently, as SNS are a crucial aspect for their sociality, teens are developing strategies to help them work with and handle the social environments they inhabit, but also to cope with the novel social relations they experience (Boyd, 2008).
2.2. Online Behaviour
As indicated above, there are very few studies that focus exclusively on analysing teenagers’ behaviour, and particularly on determining the strategies they develop to successfully navigate through their mediated sociality. This section will therefore examine studies that have analysed both individual and interactive behaviour, aiming to discover to what extend it applies to adolescents, whether any particular activities can be labelled as strategic, and if any implications can be observed.
2.2.1. Photographic Proof
Photographic content on SNS is considered to be amongst the most significant aspects of personal expression. Visuals are renowned to evoke a more personal presence than text, while more specifically, a photograph of one’s self is the principal form of personal identity demonstration (Parks, 2011). It has been observed that younger people tend to personalise their profiles more extensively and particularly through the use of photographs, as they essentially function as validating displays of identity, lifestyle and social relationships (Parks, 2011; Mendelson and Papacharissi, 2011). As discussed in the previous section, there is a number of dimensions that affect teens and trigger certain approaches to self-presentation. Another that appears to have particular impact upon individuals’ content presentation, is that in a social networking environment, users watch the content of peers and of famous personalities simultaneously (Boyd, 2011; 2014). Consequently, as the potential of enormous reach exists on SNS, individuals are easily and unintentionally submerged in ‘the attention economy, as producers and consumers’ (Boyd, 2011, p.53).
In their analysis of college students’ Facebook photo-galleries, Mendelson and Papacharissi (2011) have observed that young individuals present a limited range of subjects (out with friends, partying, drinking, life milestones), that essentially emphasise on the positive characteristics and enthusing experiences of their lives, while the negative are significantly eliminated. ‘Self-shot photographs’ (p.270) were also noticeable, with an apparent self-emphasis, as contextual information and backgrounds are understated, while the camera functions as an extension of the subject’s body. Self-presentation on SNS pursues to demonstrate authenticity and to highlight important attributes and qualities, in order to achieve the sought-after attention (Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011; Siibak, 2009; Boyd, 2011; Turkle, 2011). Thus photographs, ultimately work as a tool for impression management (Siibak, 2009), but also as a form of evidence for the desired projection of the self. Attention and validity of popularity is further established through the responsiveness of the audience as they seemingly reinforce their initial purpose (Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011).
Mandelson and Papacharissi’s study (2011) suggests that the prominent connotation of the photographic content they examined was a narcissistic tendency and self-absorption. According to Turkle (2011), narcissism is related to a fragile self-esteem and an indicative need for support and approval. However, as the support one receives on social media is experienced through limited contact and for the mere need of validation, a new form of associations is revealed which denotes a certain superficiality in social bonds, thus threatening affiliations and relationships. Similarly, one’s relationship with one’s own self is also threatened, as arranging and presenting it with an array of media, in an effort to achieve multiple goals and satisfy an immense audience, complicates one’s understanding of who one truly is (Turkle, 2011).
1.2.2. Performing, Editing, Deleting
An aspect that was very apparent within Mandelson and Papacharissi’s (2011, p.255) observations is that the presentation of photos was ‘highly ritualised’, both in terms of how and to whom they were shown. Presentation is important as through sharing visual stories, individuals create and maintain social interactions, by carefully expressing their own values while seeking for an intersection with the values of others (Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011). Common values and ideals amongst people are central for the formation of a social synthesis, as individuals inherently search for those who are alike them to satisfy their desire to belong in a union (Maffesoli, 1996).
Adolescents are especially driven by that desire and passion for cohesion within their publics, and are therefore modifying their identities in relation to their environments and in favour of the group they belong to (Maffesoli, 1996). Technological affordances effectively shape the manner in which people, and particularly teenagers, engage on social platforms, as they enable them to craft a version of themselves that adjusts to their desires, and through reception of immediate feedback to adapt it to their audience’s preferences (Boyd, 2011). In essence, the tools that are available and the rapidness of interactivity allow experimentation and testing until one discovers the result that acquires the most responsiveness (Turkle, 2011). Conversely, editing and experimentation does not only take place within the platforms. Literature suggests that individuals are also transformed before the camera, and through performance they attempt to achieve their wished persona (Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011). Individuals tend to imagine their prospective audience to potentially conceptualise what would be socially accepted with the aim of applying their self-representations in the normative context. Accordingly, performing while interpreting possible audiences, helps individuals better manage the abstract and indefinite nature of online sociality (Boyd, 2011).
Another characteristic of SNS that affects how individuals manage the content on their personal profiles is persistence –the information that is shared remains in perpetuity. Unmediated activities in life are temporary, permitting spontaneity; on the contrary, social media entail the persistency of content (which is essentially a display of one’s life), prompting individuals to measure and plan their behaviour (Boyd, 2011; Turkle 2011). Nonetheless, retaining a cautious and infallible behaviour is very hard and requires firm control, and as individuals come across each of their missteps, they tend to blame themselves for the content that exists, and their inability to retain control (Turkle, 2011). Identity therefore becomes no longer something that one is born with, but something that is crafted, and as such one sees it as a responsibility that comes with enclosed consequences (Bauman, 2001). This responsibility leads to feeling distressed by any activity that does not follow the dedicated efforts of performance, and does not match the well-planned self-representation. This anxiety compels individuals to track down and delete the conflicting information they see as a burden to their self-image (Turkle 2011; Boyd, 2011).
The above demonstrate a paradoxical phenomenon that is experienced on SNS. On the one hand, social networks instigate the illusion of being in control of affairs, and of being free to exhibit the perfect self-form, which is the very aspect of online sociality that appeals to most individuals (Turkle, 2011). On the other, the lack of certainty and control, as experienced through the persistence and transparency of the networks, trigger anxiety, which forces individuals to choose order, avoid risks and act by what has already been validated –the choice that will most likely be rewarded (Bauman, 2001). This is ultimately reflective of the methods individuals opt for when directing their performances, when they eliminate the unsatisfactory, and when they follow the masses’ preference –free yet suppressed.
2.2.3. Everyone Gains
The above are illustrative of the great efforts individuals put into their online self-representations, which ultimately function as the entryway to participation in social life. As such, individuals seek appreciation for their social endeavours, and desire the acceptance of their virtual communities (Turkle, 2011). SNS are built in such a way that facilitate not only a display for one’s expression of the self, but also a framework for a virtual community to function as a whole. This entails the ability of its members to participate in collective activities, common rituals and affinitive associations (Parks, 2011). As a result, social capital exchange is another central activity on SNS, and can be observed through a variety of processes. Firstly, SNS enable the visibility of social norms through seamless communication, allowing individuals to discover those that are alike them. Discovery of shared attributes creates a collective sensibility which primarily works as a ‘social glue’ and unites the diverse members in a whole (Ellison et al., 2011; Maffesoli, 1996, p.130). In turn, shared affinities enable trust and reliance amongst community members, and therefore encourage reciprocal activities and create cohesion amongst the individuals of the networked public (Ellison et al., 2011; Parks, 2011; Maffesoli, 1996).
Hargittai and Hsieh (2011) found that social capital on SNS is positively related to the time one spends on the site, the number of friends one is connected to, and the extent to which the site is integrated in one’s daily life. Hereby, a more intense use of SNS is linked to an increase of resources, information and connections one has access to. It should be mentioned here that this could be a complying factor for teenagers who are seeking to participate in public life, to increasingly engage on the platforms, thus becoming the heaviest SNS user group (Ellison et al., 2011; Boyd, 2014). Additionally, depending on the type of social bonds, benefits from social capital exchange can differ. Weak bonds are the internet’s dominating type, as its mediums provide access to a diverse range of connections individuals would otherwise not have access to. They are also most prominent amongst adolescents, as it is exciting for them to interact with a variety of different connections (Ellison et al., 2011). Weak ties mainly enable the bridging of social capital since they serve as the creation or maintenance of social relations through generalised interchanges of information or responses (Ellison, Steinfield and Lampe, 2007). Thus, they can successfully satisfy individuals’ most desired aspect of social capital exchange, that is the responsiveness of others on their shared content (Turkle, 2011). Responsiveness is highly sought-after as it confirms the appreciation of community members towards an individual, and can also be visible to others, validating one’s popularity to the members of the community as well (Boyd, 2011; Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011; Parks, 2011).
2.2.4. Measuring Reputation
Discrepantly, being networked in a community is suggested to promote one’s feelings of affiliation and purpose, while it also increases one’s vain need for attention and validation of status (Parks, 2011; Turkle, 2011; Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011). Studies label reactions and responsiveness (‘comments’ and ‘likes’) on one’s profile as the main exhibition of others’ appreciation (Parks, 2011; Boyd, 2011; Mandelson and Papacharissi 2011; Chin, Lu and Wu, 2015). Despite being addressed to the individual, both ‘likes’ and ‘comments’ can be publically seen (Parks, 2011), and hence along with one’s self-presentation, articulate one’s social status. Both popularity and sociality are therefore defined through the ‘comments’ and ‘likes’ on a profile, as they are visible to one’s community and work as a measure of one’s reputation.
A method that is suggested to be implemented by individuals with the aim of increasing their social capital is their ‘like’ clicking behaviour (Chin, Lu and Wu 2015). The ‘like’ is an activity that is suggested to have great importance on maintaining social affairs and showcasing one’s reputation. Therefore, by ‘liking’, individuals are methodically seeking to reinforce their own reputations and establish a mutually beneficial activity. This was observed through Chin, Lu and Wu’s (2015) analysis of the factors that are positively related to the ‘liking’ behaviour. They argue that the activity of ‘liking’ a post is reinforced by the purpose of attaining social benefits. Individuals are also motivated by the compliance factor, occurring due to their desire to express their acceptance towards those they share a specific relationship with. Similarly, by clicking the ‘like’ button individuals comply to their natural tendency of performing a friendly action with the hope of attaining back the approval of others. This behaviour hence indicates how individuals attempt to create an ‘affirmative puissance’ within their network, in order to establish social cohesion and reciprocity (Maffesoli, 1996). It is questionable however whether their motives are related to their affiliations with others, or whether it is a matter of gaining responsiveness on their personal profiles as they affect their sociality and are modified according to their social circle. It can be suggested that individuals tend to perceive social relations as something to be consumed for social and institutional needs, and for the attainment of benefits (Bauman, 2001; Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2002).
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