Civil Rights are “the rights to full legal, social, and economic equality” . Following the American Civil War, slavery was officially abolished December 6th, 1865 in the United States of America (US). The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments established a legal framework for political equality for African Americans; many thought that this would lead to equality between white and blacks however this was not the case. Despite slavery’s abolition Jim Crow racial segregation in the South meant that blacks would be denied political rights and freedoms and they would continue to live in poverty and inequality. It took nearly 100 years of campaigning until the Civil Rights and Voting Rights Acts were passed, making it illegal to discriminate based on race, colour, religion, sex or national origin and ensuring minority voting rights. Martin Luther King was prominent in the Modern Civil Rights Movement (CRM), playing a key role in legislative and social change. His assassination in 1968 marked the end of a distinguished life helping millions of African Americans across the US. The contribution played by black activists including political Frederick Douglass, militant Malcolm X and journalist Ida Wells throughout the period will be examined from a political, social and economic, perspective. When comparing their significance to that of King, consideration must be given to the time in which activists were operating and to prevailing social attitudes. Although King was undeniably significant it was the combined efforts of all the black activists and the mass protest movement in the mid-20th century that eventually led to African Americans gaining civil rights.
The significance of King’s role is explored through Clayborne Carson’s, ‘The Papers of Martin Luther King’ (Appendix 1). Carson, a historian at Stanford University, suggests that “the black movement would probably have achieved its major legislative victory without King’s leadership” Carson does not believe King was pivotal in gaining civil rights, but that he quickened the process. The mass public support shown in the March on Washington, 1963, suggests that Carson is correct in arguing that the movement would have continued its course without King. However, it was King’s oratory skill in his ‘I have a Dream’ speech that was most significant. Carson suggests key events would still have taken place without King. “King did not initiate…” the Montgomery bus boycott rather Rosa Parks did. His analysis of the idea of a ‘mass movement’ furthers his argument of King’s less significant role. Carson suggests that ‘mass activism’ in the South resulted from socio-political forces rather than ‘the actions of a single leader’. King’s leadership was not vital to the movement gaining support and legislative change would have occurred regardless. The source’s tone is critical of his significance but passive in the dismissal of King’s role. Phrases such as “without King” are used to diminish him in a less aggressive manner. Carson, a civil rights historian with a PhD from UCLA has written books and documentaries including ‘Eyes on the Prize’ and so is qualified to judge. The source was published in 1992 in conjunction with King’s wife, Coretta, who took over as head of the CRM after King’s assassination and extended its role to include women’s rights and LGBT rights. Although this may make him subjective, he attacks King’s role suggesting he presents a balanced view. Carson produced his work two decades after the movement and three decades before the ‘Black Lives Matter’ marches of the 21st century, and so was less politically motivated in his interpretation. The purpose of his work was to edit and publish the papers of King on behalf of The King Institute to show King’s life and the CRM he inspired. Overall, Carson argues that King had significance in quickening the process of gaining civil rights however he believes that without his leadership, the campaigning would have taken a similar course and that US mass activism was the main driving force.
In his book ‘Martin Luther King Jr.’ (Appendix 2) historian Peter Ling argues, like Carson, that King was not important to the movement but differs suggesting it was other activists who brought success and not mass activism. Ling believes that ‘without the activities of the movement’ King might just have been another ‘Baptist preacher who spoke well.’ It can be inferred that Ling believes King was not vital to the CRM and was just a good orator.
Ling’s reference to activist Ella Baker 1903-86 who ‘complained that “the movement made Martin, not Martin the Movement”’ suggests the King’s political career was of more importance to him than the goal of civil rights. Baker told King she disapproved of his being hero worshipped and others argued that he was ‘taking too many bows and enjoying them’. Baker promoted activists working together, as seen through her influence in the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Clearly many believed King was not the only individual to have an impact on the movement, and so Ling’s argument that multiple activists were significant is further highlighted.
Finally, Ling argues that ‘others besides King set the pace for the Civil Rights Movement’ which explicitly shows how other activists working for the movement were the true heroes, they orchestrated events and activities yet it was King that benefitted. However King himself suggested that he was willing to use successful tactics suggested by others. The work of activists such as Philip Randolph who organise the 1963 March highlights how individuals played a greater role in moving the CRM forward than King. The tone attacks King using words such as ‘criticisms’ to diminish King’s role. Ling says that he has ‘sympathy’ for Miss Baker showing his positive tone towards other activists.
Ling was born in the UK studying History at Royal Holloway College and a MA in American Studies, Institute United States Studies, London. This gives Ling an international perspective, making him less subjective as he has no political motivations nevertheless this makes his interpretation limited in that he has no primary knowledge of civil rights in the US. The book was published in 2002 consequently this gives Ling hindsight making his judgment more accurate and less subjective as he is no longer affected by King’s influence. Similarly, his knowledge of American history and the CRM makes his work accurate. Unlike Carson who was a black activist and attended the 1963 March, White Ling was born in 1956 and was not involved with the CRM and so will have a less accurate interpretation. A further limitation is his selectivity; he gives no attention to the successes of King, including his inspiring ‘I had a dream speech’. As a result, it is not a balanced interpretation and thus its value is limited.
Overall, although weaker than Carson’s interpretation, Ling does give an argument that is of value when understanding King’s significance. Both revisionists, the two historians agree that King was not the most significant reason to gaining civil rights however differ on who or what they see as more important. Carson argues that mass activism was vital in success whereas Ling believes it to be other activists.
A popular pastor in the Baptist Church, King was the leader of the CRM when it gained black rights successes in the 1960s. He demonstrated the power of the church and NAACP in the pursuit of civil rights His oratory skills ensured many blacks and whites attended the protests and increased support. He understood the power of the media in getting his message to a wide audience and in putting pressure on the US government. The Birmingham campaign 1963, where peaceful protestors including children were violently attacked by police and his inspirational ‘Letter from Birmingham Jail’ that King wrote were heavily publicised. US society gradually sympathised with the black ‘victims’. Winning the Nobel Peace Prize gained the movement further international recognition. King’s leadership was instrumental in the political achievements of the CRM, inspiring the grassroots activism needed to apply enough pressure on government, which behind the scenes activists like Baker had worked tirelessly to build. Nevertheless there had been a generation of activists who played their parts often through the church publicising the movement, achieving early legislative victories and helping to kick-start the modern CRM and the idea of nonviolent civil disobedience. King’s significance is that he was the figurehead of the movement at the time when civil rights were eventually given.
Pioneering activist Frederick Douglass 1818-95 had political significance to the CRM holding federal positions which enabled him to influence government and Presidents throughout the Reconstruction era. He is often called the ‘father of the civil rights movement’. Douglass held several prominent roles including US Marshall for DC. He was the first black to hold high office in government and in 1872 the first African American nominated for US Vice President particularly significant as blacks’ involvement in politics was severely restricted at the time. Like King he was a brilliant orator, lecturing on civil rights in the US and abroad. When compared to King Douglass was significant in the CRM. He promoted equality for blacks and whites, although unlike King he did not ultimately achieve black civil rights this was because he was confined by the era that he lived.
The contribution of W.E.B Du Bois 1868-1963 was significant as he laid the foundations for future black activists, including King, to build. In 1909 he established The National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People (NAACP) the most important 20th century black organisation other than the church. King became a member of NAACP and used it to organise the bus boycott and other mass protests. As a result, the importance of Du Bois to the CRM is that King’s success depended on NAACP therefore Du Bois is of similar significance, if not more so than King in pursuing black civil rights.
Ray Stanard Baker’s article in 1908 for The American Magazine speaks of Du Bois’ enthusiastic attitude to the CRM, his intelligence and knowledge of African Americans. (Appendix 3) The quotation of Du Bois at the end of the extract reads “Do not submit! agitate, object, fight,” showing he was not passive but preaching messages of rebellion. The article describes him with vocabulary such as “critical” and “impatient” showing his radical passionate side. Baker also states Du Bois’ contrasting opinions compared to Booker T Washington one of his contemporary black activists. This is evident when it says “his answer was the exact reverse of Washington’s” demonstrating how he was different to the passive, ‘education for all’ Washington. Du Bois valued education, but believed in educating an elite few, the ‘talented tenth’ who could strive for rapid political change. The tone is positive towards Du Bois praising him for being a ferocious character dedicated to achieving civil rights. Through phrases such as “his struggles and his aspirations” this dedicated and praising tone is developed. The American Magazine founded in 1906 was an investigative US paper. Many contributors to the magazine were ‘muckraking’ journalists meaning that they were reformists who attacked societal views and traditions. As a result, the magazine would be subjective, favouring radical Du Bois’, challenging the Jim Crow South and appealing to its radical target audience. The purpose of the source was to confront the racism in the US and so would be political motivated making it subjective regarding civil rights. However some evidence suggests that Du Bois was not radical, his Paris Exposition in 1900 showed the world real African Americans. Socially he made a major contribution to black pride contributing to the black unity felt during the Harlem Renaissance. The Renaissance popularised black culture and so was a turning point in the movement, in the years after the CRM grew in popularity and became a national issue. Finally, the source refers to his intelligence and educational prowess; he carried out economic studies for the US Government and was educated at Harvard and abroad. As a result, it can be inferred that Du Bois rose to prominence and made a significant contribution to the movement due to his intelligence and his understanding of US society and African American culture. One of the founders of the NAACP his significance in attracting grassroots activists and uniting black people was vital. The NAACP leader Roy Wilkins at the March on Washington highlighted his contribution following his death the day before, and said, “his was the voice that was calling you to gather here today in this cause.” Wilkins is suggesting that Du Bois had started the process which had led to the March.
Rosa Parks 1913-2005 and Charles Houston 1895-1950 were NAACP activists who benefitted from the work of Du Bois and achieved significant political success in the CRM. Parks the “Mother of the Freedom Movement.” was the spark that ignited the modern CRM by protesting on a segregated bus. Following her refusal to move to the black area she was arrested. Parks, King and NAACP members staged a yearlong bus boycott in Montgomery. Had it not been for Parks, King may never have had the opportunity to rise to prominence or had mass support for the movement and so her activism was key in shaping King. Lawyer Houston helped defend black Americans, breaking down the deep rooted discriminative and segregation laws in the South. It was his ground-breaking use of sociological theories that formed the basis of the Brown v. the Board of Education 1954 that ended segregation in schools. Although compared to King, Houston is less prominent; his work was significant in reducing black discrimination gaining him the nickname ‘The man who killed Jim Crow ‘. Nonetheless had Du Bois’ NAACP not existed, Parks and Houston would never have had an organisation to support them in their fight, likewise King would never have gained the mass support for civil rights.
Trade unionist Philip Randolph 1890-1979 brought about important political changes. His pioneering use of nonviolent confrontation had a significant impact on the CRM and was widely used throughout 1950’s and 60’s. Randolph had become a prominent civil rights spokesman after organising the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters in 1925, the first black majority union. Mass unemployment after the US Depression led to civil rights becoming a political issue and US trade unions supported equal rights and black membership grew. Randolph was striving for political change that would bring equality. Aware of his influence in 1941 he threatened a protest march which pressured President Roosevelt into issuing Executive Order 8802 an important early employment civil rights victory. There was a shift in the direction of the movement focussing on the military because after the Second World War black soldiers felt disenfranchised and became the ‘foot soldiers of the CRM’ fighting for equality in these mass protests. Randolph led peaceful protests which resulted in President Truman issuing Executive Order 9981 desegregating of the Armed Forces showing his key political significance. Significantly this legislation was a catalyst leading to further desegregation laws. His contribution to the CRM, support of King’s leadership and masterminding of the 1963 March made his significance equal to King’s.
King realised that US society needed to change and inspired by Ghandi he too used non-violent mass protest to bring about change, including the Greensboro Sit-ins to de-segregate lunch counters. Similarly activist Booker T Washington 1856-1915 significantly improved the lives of thousands of southern blacks who were poorly educated and trapped in poverty following Reconstruction through his pioneering work in black education. He founded the Tuskegee Institute. In his book ‘Up from Slavery: An Autobiography’ (Appendix 4) he suggests that gaining civil rights would be difficult and slow, but all blacks should work on improving themselves through education and hard work to peacefully push the movement forward. He says that “the according of the full exercise of political rights” will not be an “overnight gourdvine affair” and that a black should “deport himself modestly in regard of political claim”. Inferring that Washington wanted peaceful protest and acknowledged the time it would take to gain equality, making his philosophy like King’s. Washington’s belief in using education to gain the skills to improve lives and fight for equality is evident through the Tuskegee Institute which educated 2000 blacks a year.
The tone of the source is peaceful, calling for justice in the South. Washington uses words such as “modestly” in an attempt for peace and “exact justice” to show how he believes in equal political rights for all. The reliability of the source is mixed. Washington is subjective as he wants his autobiography to be read, understood and supported. The intended audience would have been anyone in the US, particularly blacks whom Washington wanted to inspire to protest and white politicians who would advance civil rights. The source is accurate, it was written in 1901, during the Jim Crow South. Washington would have been politically motivated in his autobiography; demanding legislative change to give blacks civil rights. There would have also been an educational factor that contributed to his writing, his Tuskegee Institute and educational philosophy, having a deep impact on his autobiography.
The source shows how and why the unequal South should no longer be segregated. Undoubtedly significant, as his reputation grew he became an important public speaker and is considered to have been a leading spokesman for black people and issues like King. An excellent role model a former slave who influenced statesmen he was the first black to dine with the President (Roosevelt) at the White House showing blacks they could achieve anything. Activist Du Bois described him as “the one recognised spokesman of his 10 million fellows … the most striking thing in the history of the American Negro”. Although not as decisive in gaining civil rights as King, Washington was important in preparing blacks for urban and working life but also empowering the next generation of activists.
Inspired by Washington the charismatic Jamaican radical activist Marcus Garvey 1880-1940 arrived in the US in 1916. Garvey had a social significance to the movement striving to better the lives of US blacks. He rose to prominence during the ‘Great Migration’ when poor southern blacks were moving to the industrial North, making Southern race problems into national ones. He founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) which had over 2,000,000 members in 1920. He appealed to discontented First World War black soldiers who had returned home to violent racial discrimination. The importance of the First World War was paramount in enabling Garvey to gain the vast support he did in the 1920s. Garvey published a newspaper, the Negro World which spread his ideas about education and Pan-Africanism, the political union of all people of African descent. Garvey like King gained a greater audience for the CRM, in 1920 he led an international convention in Liberty Hall, and 50,000 parade through Harlem. Garvey inspired later activists such as King.
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