Essay: URBANTRANSFORMATION IN KISUMU

(CASE OF OGINGA ODINGA STREET)

City building is the process by which urban habitats are created and

Landscapes made up of houses, buildings, squares, streets, gardens, etc. Are produced. It involves landowners, regulators, planners, designers, builders, lenders, and so on; it also involves action and compromise, and the outcome of decisions made both separately and jointly by various actors and stakeholders. Once created, it is then continuously used, managed, and transformed.

Anne Vernez Moudon (archnet.org)

The African city will continue to develop and expand; it will continue to

Exhibit vitality and will more and more be the place where African futures are decided.

Freund 2007

ABSTRACT

In the past years, cities worldwide have grown at an unprecedented rate hence becoming endless expanses, with high degrees of fragmentation of the urban fabric (UNHSP – UN-HABITAT), 2013, p.32). Increase of urban population as of necessity creates demand for space and other services leading to changes to the physical form of the cities.

Urbanization in Africa has reached unprecedented rates as more and more people migrate from the rural areas to the cities due to complex social economic and cultural factors coupled with the natural growth of the cities themselves. The United Nations report on the state of the world population warns that by 2030 the urban populations in Africa and Asia will double (HABITAT 2012).

As the city grows and expands, a lot of strain is placed on fragments within the city, which have to constantly transform and grow to accommodate the rapidly increasing population size. This growth brings about an increase in commercial activity as well as a great need for housing to support the population. This results in the expansion of the City Centre, which takes over previous urban low density residential areas. With the expanding commercial Centre comes a myriad of problems. Areas that were previously designed to handle low-density urban residential development suddenly have to grapple with the needs of higher density mixed commercial and residential use. Infrastructure is suddenly stretched to the limit and residential urban spaces have to change to adapt to commercial and mixed use.

To compound the challenges, there is a serious shortage of data which could be used to assist urban managers in addressing the emerging issues of the African city. Despite the challenges, urbanization in Africa continues with East Africa having the worlds shortest urban population doubling time, less than nine years (HABITAT 2008:4).

The challenges facing the African city are to an extent very well expressed in how Oginga Odinga Street in Kisumu, has transformed in regard to its architectural character and its built form. This thesis focuses on how and why the inherited colonial City center Kisumu and Oginga Odinga Street in particular has transformed in the way it has in the post-colonial period.

Study shows that Kisumu has dramatically transformed from a largely low lying single or rather double storey building fabric in the 1970s to an increasingly dense collection of multi-storey buildings developing within a tight and unchanging plot and Street structure. (Anyumba, G. (1995). Kisumu town: History of the built form, planning and environment, 1890-1990. PhD thesis,)

1.0 Introduction

The city of Kisumu is in a continuous process of change and re-adjustment of its different parts, which are spontaneously developed or deliberately planned under different socio-economic and political conditions in different periods.

Over time, different parts of the city Kisumu, which is Kenya second city, have undergone various physical and functional transformations. It is observed that in spite of several controls, especially, the planned residential areas of the city have experienced spatial transformation in land use pattern with a minor change in the spatial layout to adapt to the community needs. As a result, the planned residential areas tend to transform into an unplanned state in relation to their physical layout and distribution of non-residential function (commercial functions).

Urbanization has led to increase of urban population causing spatial expansion of urban areas which is highly inhibited by inadequate space for expansion in our cities; this has caused pressure on land and physical infrastructure (Sheuya, 2004). To respond to the challenges of urbanization (rapid increase in urban population) the current developments in Kisumu city are characterized by transformations of the existing built forms and land use evidenced by alterations of the existing built forms and demolitions for new high-rise buildings.

The growing number of colleges in the immediate neighborhood and the CBD has created the necessary demand for learning institutions thus leading to change of use of the aged building to learning institutions or student hostels.

Original dwelling houses of 1-2 levels provided human scale level of interaction between the dwellers and the built forms while the current high-rise developments have no consideration to the human scale and value of open public spaces. Therefore this research sought to study and analyze the transformations of the built forms of this area giving the author’s views about the future of this area. At the end, it also attempted to formulate guidelines for transformations in other regions of the city.

Transformations of the built form has for a long time been a challenge to the expanding and sprawling cities and a concern of many urban designers. This is driven by different motives like the quests for better urban life, search for economic sustainability, adaptability of forms for changing functions which has shown little or no regard to urban public spaces and their uses. Open public spaces have greatly been ignored in the transformations.

In Kisumu city center, (Oginga Odinga street) the changes may generally be described as demolitions and replacements of the old built form with new contemporary forms. However, the patterns observed in different parts of the city show differences which are worth understanding.

My observation of the recent developments in Kisumu city Centre, particularly those taking place along Oginga Odinga, have challenged my outlook on the production of buildings and urban form. My interest is drawn to the relationship between the individual buildings and the city as the form of one impact on the other.

This focus inspired my questioning of and reflection on how architecture is being produced in the context of our city centres which are experiencing rapid redevelopment amid declining public capacity to regulate and direct urban development activities. While one may understand and explain the design of individual buildings, there seems to be a gap in understanding of how urban forms are evolving.

This thesis intended to contribute to this discussion, by documenting the changing building type in Kisumu Oginga Odinga Street which have undergone tremendous transformation in the last two decades and their ability to accommodate change.

Urban designers have for a long time struggled to contain the changes of the built environment or adaptability of buildings to suit different spatial needs but it seems to be an endless struggle which has been left to the uncontrolled market forces. This thesis sought to investigate and propose design guidelines for transformations of urban built forms and spatial adaptations and to bridge the gap between architecture and urban design.

1.1 Problem Statement.

Kisumu city center has witnessed various changes in its inherited physical form. These changes largely commenced in the late 1980 s and continue to gain pace in recent times. Anyumba, G. (1995). Kisumu town: History of the built form, planning and environment, 1890-1990).

The changes can be attributed to the general urbanization trends of cities in Africa and elsewhere, the patterns and processes adopted in different cities are of interest to those involved in city developments

The study looks at changes in the post-colonial period since 1980 to present with a focus on the Oginga Odinga Street. This street has in recent times demonstrated a relatively higher tempo of change with interesting patterns and processes in its built form.

The preliminary study reveals that the old type buildings are increasingly being demolished and replaced by the contemporary building types, thus, forming one of the main features of the transformation dynamics of Kisumu Oginga Odinga Street.

In Eastleigh, Expansion and transformation is happening instantly. Old buildings are being pulled down and new ones built. This is because of inadequate expansion areas. Meanwhile developers continue to increase densities by building the maximum number of storeys irrespective of the zoning and development standards of the area.

Recent developments have focused on individual units, where each building looks different from the other with an obvious desire to dominate each other. This has overshadowed the other aspects of city building.

In the 80s urban forms along Oginga Odinga street (Kisumu) had a unique, coherent and united character; in terms of its built form, street character, material and facade treatment. (Anyumba, G. (1995). Kisumu town: History of the built form, planning and environment currently all the new developments are similar and fragmented. Urban forms thus lack a sense of unity. This has induced a gap of procedural evolution between what existed and what exists.

1.2 Aim and Objectives of the Study.

• The main objective of this study is to trace the transformation of built form along Oginga Odinga Street in Kisumu

This study attempts to investigate the changing building types along Oginga Odinga Street in terms of their architectural form characteristics with the purpose of informing and guiding future design and urban development.

• To identify and analyse emerging urban form along Oginga Odinga street.

• To understand how emerging urban forms can be adopted with an aim of improving urban form.

1.3 Research Question.

• The main question in this study is “How has built form transformed along Oginga Odinga Street in Kisumu Street?” Other questions that will ensure this question is answered objectively are:

• What are the emerging urban forms in Kisumu Oginga Odinga Street?

• How can emerging urban forms be adopted with a view to improving urban form?

1.4 Significance and Justification of the Study.

This study strives to re-orient the thinking in planning practice as a basis for developing future urban forms. Knowledge on the nature of the changes is needed for a better understanding of the built environment. This knowledge could be of great importance to Architects, Urban designers, Planners, Policy makers and others involved in the development and management of built environment in cities, especially in a post-colonial African context, there by informing and guiding future design and urban development as well as provide information which to an extent is lacking.

Kisumu Oginga Odinga Street is a reflection on how architecture is being produced in the context of our city centers which are experiencing rapid redevelopment. While one may understand and explain the design of individual buildings, there seems to be a gap in the understanding of how the urban built form is evolving.

Attempts towards city-level analysis for the State of the African Cities 2008 made overwhelmingly clear that city data are close to non-existent in Africa. Without accurate local level data, it is difficult to recognize trends, assess urban processes and review urban conditions. Without accurate and Reliable city-level data African urban managers are operating in an information and

Knowledge void”. (HABITAT 2012)

There has been a bachelor of architecture thesis dealing with related topic in the University of Nairobi. Thesis topic was a study of Oginga Odinga Street — Kisumu written by Owino J.O in 2002/2003.he studies the streetscape and its users and there is nothing to do with transformation of this streets as opposed to my case.

Another thesis related to this topic was written by Godfrey Anyumba. Under the topic Kisumu town history of the built form planning and environment. He writes on the history of the settlers of Kisumu town, the way of building and factors that influenced their way of building.

There is very little existing documentation on urban transformation in Kisumu particularly Oginga Odinga Street and this thesis seeks to bridge this gap by providing a comprehensive and unbiased documentation on built form transformation in Kisumu Oginga Odinga street for the sake of posterity and for the benefit of subsequent generations.

1.4 Scope and Limitation of the Study.

This study limits itself to the following:

• The physical study area will be in Kisumu town Oginga Odinga Street in particular.

• This study will largely deal with the spatial and physical aspects of the built environment focusing on changes in building types as an entry point in unravelling the urban transformation phenomenon in Kisumu Oginga Odinga Street.

1.4.1 Limitation of the Study

High level of insecurity in the country poses as a major challenge due to the fact that a majority of the population are no cooperative. Inadequate data sources, time is also a limiting factor. Geographical location of my area of study, finance and limited access to privately owned properties are some of the limiting factors for the study. To curb this, sketches and drawings will be used during study.

1.5 Research Methodology.

The study seeks to identify emerging urban forms along Oginga Odinga Street through qualitative methods characterised by interviews, discussions, observations, surveys, architectural drawing techniques and photographs.

2.0 Introduction.

This chapter provides a discussion on the theories and concepts of urban form; the urban block and urban spaces. It further discusses urban morphological transformation in African cities. There is a broad range of possible approaches to understanding urban forms, the most critical (in the context of this study) being contributions of some internationally renowned urban theorists/designers as outlined below.

Panerai, Castex, Depaule, and Samuels (2004) focus on the urban block’s history and transformation; Haussmann’s Paris, and the radical restructuring of urban form through the insertion of new streets.

Carmona, Heath, Oc and Tiesdell (2003) discuss the morphological dimension of urban design focusing on two key issues of urban form and urban layout. They emphasize Tibbalds golden rule for urban design- ‘places matter most’. Buildings, streets and spaces, hard and soft landscaping and street furniture should be considered together, to create drama and visual interest.

Moudon (1997) showed that the city or town can be ‘read’ and analyzed via the medium of its physical form. Further, there is a widespread acknowledgement that, at its most elemental level, morphological analysis is based on three principles: Firstly, that urban form is defined by three fundamental physical elements: buildings and their related open spaces, plots or lots and streets. Secondly, urban form can be understood at different levels of resolution: building/lot, the street/block, the city and the region. Thirdly, urban form can only be understood historically since the elements of which it comprises undergo continuous transformation and replacement. Thus form, resolution and time constitute the three fundamental components of urban morphological research.

Loeckx (1982) provides some introductory reflections on the issue of form as he tackles housing in development. He states that the issue of form deals with the different ways in which people in the actual historical and cultural context, characterized by rapid development and change, articulate and appropriate space and by doing so transform space in a system of structured places

Or built environment.

Krier (1979) in his seminal studies of urban design shows the physical form of a city as urban spaces and concludes this on the basis of typological and morphological elements of urban spaces of a city, which are the squares and the streets, as products of groupings of buildings.

Conzen (1960) says the physical form of a city can be categorized into three basic elements: firstly, the town plan or ground plan (comprising the site, streets, plots and block plans of the buildings), secondly, the building fabric (the 3-dimensional form), and thirdly, land and building utilization.

Lynch (1960) was the first author who focused his work on visual elements and cognitive concepts of the urban environment. He conceived a rich and innovative way of visualizing the urban environment that changed the attitudes of both professionals and scholars. He integrated a theory of urban form that consists of physical and psychological elements, which was a new approach distinct from the urban theories of the time. His findings are a major contribution to understanding urban form. In his examination of the form of the city, he found that there are five basic elements which people use to construct their mental image of a city: Paths, landmarks, nodes, districts, and edges.

To understand the city’s evolution in general and emerging urban forms, the study turns to the following concepts: The Morphological dimension, The Urban block, urban spaces and the perceptual dimension.

2.1. Morphological Dimension

One approach of understanding the city is through urban morphology. Morphology is the knowledge of external form; morphology describes urban form as it is and deals with the external form of the city, both voids and solids. (Moshi, 2008, p. 15).

Figure 2.1. (A) Figure ground diagrams of Seattle, US

Source: http://www.huffingtonpost.com

Figure 2.1. (B) Bloomsbury, UK.

Source: http://jenntrification.wordpress.com

.

Carmona et al., (2003) states that Morphology is the layout and configuration of urban form and space. There are essentially two types of urban space systems, ‘traditional’ and ‘modernist’. ‘Traditional’ urban space consists of buildings as constituent parts of urban blocks, where the blocks define and enclose external space. ‘Modernist’ urban space typically consists of freestanding ‘pavilion’ buildings in landscape settings. See fig 2.1.

The plan for Seattle represents modernist buildings as separate pavilions freestanding while Bloomsbury shows buildings as constituent elements in a generalised, highly connected mass.

The morphological dimension in this study focuses on Loeckx (1982) and Conzen (1960).

2.1.1. Introductory reflections on the issue of form:

Loeckx’s (1982) approach to built form and space is morphological. Attention is not given to the external form as overall phenomenon, but to specific logics of formal coherence and the specific dynamics of formal development and transformation. The “tissue-metaphor” sees the built environment as a morphological interweaving of built and open space. Analysing a built environment as a tissue means studying concrete patterns of interweaving of built and open space and trying to formulate the main morphological themes underlying this interweaving.

2.1.2. Morphological elements:

Conzen (1960) considered land uses, building structures, plot pattern and street pattern to be the most important key elements in settlements. He emphasized the difference in stability of these elements. Buildings, and particularly the land uses they accommodate, are usually the least resilient elements. Although more enduring, the plot pattern changes over time as individual plots are subdivided or amalgamated. The street plan tends to be the most enduring element. Its stability derives from its being a capital asset not lightly set aside; from ownership structures; and in particular, from the difficulties of organizing and implementing large-scale change.

2.1.2.1 Land uses

Land uses are relatively temporary. Incoming uses often lead to redevelopment and the creation of new buildings, to plot amalgamations and, less often to subdivisions and changes in the street pattern. By contrast displaced land uses are more likely to relocate to existing buildings in older areas and, rather than redeveloping them, to adapt and convert them.

2.1.2.2. Building structures

Conzen developed concepts about the process of urban development. According to Conzen plots have often had a recognisable progression or cycle of building development. The first part of a plot to be developed was that adjoining the street, development generally began in perimeter block form.

One of these concepts was the burgage cycle, a burgage being the landholding of an enfranchised member of a medieval borough. In England, this process transformed the medieval burgage plots, which started out as long narrow fields laid out perpendicular to a street or circulation route.

Exploiting proximity to pedestrian traffic and its opportunities for access, trade and commerce. The dominant plot is on the street frontage. Through time, as land uses on the plot and in the building change, there is pressure to extend the building upwards or towards the rear of the plot. Exploiting the access at the back, the tail of the plot becomes built up.

The intermediate space is developed as freestanding buildings or through additions to the initial/existing buildings. New, larger, taller buildings may replace the initial ones. Over time, with continuing development, the open spaces within the plot are reduced to small courts. As greater densities are achieved by creating rooms without direct access to the street or to adequate light and air, development reaches its ‘choke point’. When all of the plot area is developed, this is the cycle’s high point or climax phase. After this may come a partial or complete clearance before total

Figure 2.2. (A) San Fransisco’s Alamo square neighbourhood facades.

Source: http://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alamo Square_ (San_Francisco)

Figure 2.2. (B) San Fransisco’s Alamo square neighbourhood morphology

Source: http://www.noehill.com

Redevelopment. Depending on the development pressure, there might also be changes in the plot pattern as plots are amalgamated to create development sites for larger buildings or truncated by running mid-block alleys through, creating independent plots.

Moudon (1986) details the evolution block, lot and building pattern in San Francisco’s Alamo square neighborhood. See fig 2.2.

Some buildings-churches, cathedrals and public buildings. Will last longer than others for a variety of reasons, including the greater investment —financial and symbolic- in their design, construction and ornamentation. In the absence of conservation controls, other buildings survive only if they are able to adapt to new or changing uses: that is, if they have a quality known as robustness. Buildings that endure over time often accommodate various uses and/or intensities of use during their lifetime. (Carmona et al., 2003, p. 63)

2.1.2.3. The plot pattern

Cadastral units (urban blocks) are typically subdivided into plots or lots. These buildings in central Prague show the evidence of their original long narrow plots fronting onto a public space. See fig 2.3.

These may be ‘back to back’, each having a frontage onto the street and a shared boundary at the rear. Plots may also face onto main streets at the front with service alleys at the rear. Less common are ‘through’ plots with a frontage onto a main street at each end. Over time, as plots are bought and sold, boundaries can change. Large plots may be subdivided, or several may be amalgamated to enable the construction of larger buildings. This process usually occurs in one direction only: plots are often amalgamated, but more rarely subdivided. In extreme cases, such as the construction of shopping centres in central areas, whole urban blocks can be amalgamated, with any intervening

Figure 2.3. Buildings in central Prague

Source: Carmona et al., 2003, p. 63

Figure 2.4. Plan of Rothenburg, Italy.

Source: http://www. Storrer.com

Streets being privatized and built over. Plot and block amalgamation removes most of the evidence of earlier forms. However, buildings change more rapidly than plot patterns.

2.1.2.4. The cadastral/street pattern

This is the layout of urban blocks and, between them, the public space/movement channels or ‘public space network’. Permeability is established by the cadastral pattern. This is a measure of the opportunity for movement. Visual permeability refers to the ability to see the routes through an environment, while physical permeability refers to the ability to move through an environment. Deformities may affect potential movement by reducing visual permeability. In countries and regions with a long history of incremental urbanisation, most urban grids are deformed.

See fig .2.4

In a deformed grid, the structure of the space is deformed in two ways. First the shaping and alignment of the islands of buildings (urban blocks) mean that sight lines do not continue right through the grid from one side to the other but continually strike the surfaces of the building blocks. Second, as one passes along lines, the spaces vary in width. Deformities in the grid affect visual permeability and are, thereby, an important influence on movement. (Bentley, 1999)

Regular and ideal grids are usually planned and typically have some degree of geometric discipline. Due to the ease of laying out streets, the most basic planned layouts have generally been rectilinear. Many European cities have as their foundation Greek or Roman regular or semi-regular grid pattern settlements. In Europe, regular grid patterns have frequently been overlaid on, or added alongside, more organic patterns for example Cerda in Barceleona. Various cities in the new world are examples of regular, orthogonal grids, by which large, relatively plain tracts of land could be easily divided into manageable plots and sold off. (Carmona et al., 2003, p. 65)

While deformed grids usually have a picturesque character as a result of their changing spatial enclosure, regular grids have often been criticised for their supposed monotony.

Figure 2.5. The urban fabric of Paris.

Source: http://projectivecities.aaschool.ac.uk

Figure 2.6 the Haussmannien heritage.

Source: http://projectivecities.aaschool.ac.uk

2.2. THE URBAN BLOCK (HAUSSMANNIEN PARIS: 1853-82)

A study on the characteristics of the Hausmennian block provides an understanding of the urban block in general. Haussmann created a certain type of city that imposed a specific spatial model and called for new structural elements. (Fig 2.5)

Georges-eugene Haussmann was hired by napoleon III in the mid-19th century to ‘modernise’ Paris. Haussmann is remembered both as the man who destroyed old Paris but also as the man who created new Paris. Haussmann cut into Paris introducing new structural elements; boulevards and avenues in an effort to create a cleaner and safer city more suitable to the bourgeoisie, the predominant class of Paris at that time.

The technical challenge was that of modernization and sanitation and more importantly the improvement of living conditions, transport and infrastructure. Haussmann’s city experienced the most profound structural change to become a planned city. The notion of route was transformed, thus allowing the diversification and multiplication of distributive functions in a complex context with an efficient distribution of people, food, water and gas and the removal of waste. Facilities, in the contemporary meaning suddenly appeared everywhere: town halls, offices, ministries, schools, post offices, markets, abattoirs, hospitals, prisons, barracks, chambers of commerce, stations and so forth. The challenge was to distribute these facilities in the urban structure and to allow them to develop and expand. The identification of a hierarchy was established by the road network and by the facilities that it distributed. The setting up of these complex mechanisms emphasized the differences that supported an ideology of separation, the practice of zoning (Panerai et al., 2004, p. 6)

Figure 2.7 Central Paris and Haussmann’s new Boulevard interventions

Source: Panerai, 2004, p. 6

Figure 2.8 Façade composition on the Boulevard Pereire

Source: Panerai, 2004, p. 23

Characteristics of the Haussmannien block

2.2.1. The morphology

The cutting of the star plan grids of the Haussmannien networks produced the block across the rectangular traditional Paris block. The block was built in plots, one by one; in general, progressive development of the buildings followed a set of rules.

The triangular outline produced inequalities. There were undoubtedly some acute angles that were difficult to deal with, especially for the layouts of flats. Thus whatever one tried to do, the plots were all different. These plots had varied, even unusual, shapes, which range from triangles to a V and trapezoidal forms. See fig 2.7.

2.2.2. The arrangement of the built form

The coordinated plan of the Pereire-Laugier-Farday-Bayen block went hand in hand with careful location of the buildings. The subdivision of the plots was determined by the future configuration of the built up areas and not vice versa.

For seventeen plots there were only six main courtyards of an identical size and of a simple square shape. The courtyards were common to three or four plots. Some ventilations wells were used in the interior of the buildings and these were connected in pairs, overlapping on the edge of the plots. Hence the block was a single unit in which courtyards had been carved out. The unit resulted from the association of identical elements. The basic shape was an L-shaped building which was used even for the small plots. Two L’s form a U or a T, which was suitable for the large plots. In the corners a slight adaptation of the L took into account, because of the extra thickness of one of its sides. The courtyards would always be associated four by four. The strips were 12 meters wide. Source: (Panerai, 2004, p. 23) See fig 2.8.

(A)

Figure 2.9 (A). Blocks in the quartier de l’Europe facades

Source: Panerai, 2004, p. 26

(B)

Figure 2.9 (B). Blocks in the quartier de l’Europe Courtyards

Source: Panerai, 2004, p. 26

The need to maximize the profitability of the ground led to plots that were diminutive in relation to the building types and could no longer be regarded as an equal number of single units. The collective space of the courtyard did not relate to the unit, the plot or the block. Above all, this floating collective space had lost its capacity to identify with a single plot because, at the same time, its usefulness as a private space had disappeared. On the ground floor a wall, often a forbidding aspect, continued to separate the buildings, but at the upper level, the volume of the courtyard was common. Others with whom it had no direct relationship, because they had no access from the side of the courtyard, overlooked it. There were no more private spaces. The plot had lost its depth and the succession of spaces towards the interior had been truncated. The imperative of densification subjugated the interior space of the courtyard to two of the characteristics where the public space of the street was governed by the clarity of a rule. The courtyard was carefully looked after, and could not become a dumping ground for objects and vehicles and to any activities, which reduced its quality

The sequence of internal spaces had been truncated but a minimal hierarchy of places remained. A second courtyard sometimes followed the first one and this was accessible only from one of the ground-floor flats or by a service entrance. It was a quiet space. (Panerai, 2004, p. 24)

In summary, the morphology of the block showed a continuous perimeter of a constant thickness and an interior that at first sight appeared less orderly. The more regularly laid-out flats faced the street and were directly accessible from the vestibule. The end of the plot, sacrificed to the geometry of the triangle and trapezoid, permitted less well laid-out flats, often with a double orientation.

Figure 2.10 Paris today

http://www.itaproject.eu/TTU/5/parigi.html

Figure 2.11. Behind the facades: voids as generators of survival

Source: http://projectivecities.aaschool.ac.uk

2.2.3. The capacity for accommodating a range of functions

The block in its entirety was divided into an edge and an interior. The dense edge was directly connected with the street, understood as the place for exchange and as the presentation space controlled by rules. The interior of the block, on the other hand, was a zone at a distance from the street, cut off from it, which had the characteristics of a space that was not necessarily seen, it did not have the functions of public representation. It was malleable, transformable, marked by some loose rules, which contrasted with the strict rules on the public front. It was offered to private appropriation. (Panerai, 2004, p. 25)

The opposition within the block between perimeter and interior allowed for an organization of the complexity of the tissue. The hierarchy towards the interior of the block often happened in a sequential order. The complex wholly depended on the status of the streets that surrounded it, on their position in the hierarchy of the city or district, which gave a particular meaning to each front.

Multi functionality is not considered at the level of the block, the building type and city level. In the Haussmannien city the workplace was excluded from the private residential block. Some districts were specialised. In Paris, industry was undertaken in small workshops, which kept alive the old grid structure. The Haussmannien block when compared with the old block functioned as A thickened —up perimeter. What began to disappear with the Haussmannien block was the interior of the block with its functional properties and the richness of its articulation. (Panerai, 2004, p. 27)

2.2.4. The block in the urban combination

The city was seen as a combination of blocks. The Haussmannien and the pre-Haussmannien blocks were compatible in spite of their differences. This was evidenced by the rigorous continuity of the urban landscape characterized by uninterrupted rows of facades on both sides of the streets hence an eminently urban image. This image was simplified but reduced in meaning, which was typical of the old urban landscape. The subdivided blocks were quickly closed up without leaving

Figure 2.12. ile de la cite

Source: http://www.queveren.info

Any gaps. The public space was rigorously enclosed by the line of facades and it was carefully contained by a well-defined wall enclosure. All public space including streets became monumental. The whole urban space was homogenized.

Since the Haussmannien block was not capable internally of incorporating a variety of functions, one can observe that some single-function blocks appeared. These were principally for facilities and monuments. The block containing public facilities had a tendency to become an isolated building. The ile de la cite is an example with monument blocks like the courts, the police headquarters, the Hotel-Dieu and Notre-Dame.

2.3. URBAN SPACE

The study on urban space was focused on three main theorists, Carmona et al., (2003) Moudon (1994) and Krier (1979).

2.3.1. Urban Space as either positive or negative.

Outdoor space can be considered in terms of positive and negative spaces. (Carmona et al., 2003, p. 138). Positive space has a definite and distinctive shape can be measured and has definite boundaries. Its shape is as important as that of the buildings surrounding it. Negative space is shapeless; amorphous residue left over around buildings. It is inconceivable, continuous and lacking in perceivable edges or form.

In creating positive space, Three major space defining elements exist; the surrounding structures, the floor and the imaginary sphere of the sky overhead; which Zucker (1959) argues is usually perceived as three to four times the height of the tallest building. Enclosure and spatial containment must therefore be considered in both plan and vertical section.

The plan arrangement is important in creating a sense of spatial containment. Booth (1983) discusses the quality of enclosure a single building does not define or create space, but is simply an object in space. The weakest definition of space typically occurs when buildings are organised in a long row or sited indiscriminately with no effort to co-ordinate relationships between them. In these situations, the buildings are individual, unrelated elements surrounded by negative space without containment or focus.

One of the simplest and most commonly used means of achieving compositional order is the siting of buildings at right angles to one another. If overused however, this becomes monotonous. Building to building association can be strengthened by relating built forms and lines. An alternative to the rigidity of a rectilinear layout is where some of the building masses are at varying angles to each other, introducing a degree of variety into the layout.

When several buildings or urban blocks are clustered together in a more organized manner, positive spaces can be created. The most straightforward means of creating a sense of spatial containment is to group buildings around a central space, enclosing it within a wall of facades. Where the corners of the space are open, forming street intersections or a gap between two buildings, space leaks out through the corner openings. To better contain it, facades can be overlapped, preventing or limiting views into or out of the space. When the building walls turn the corner, keeping views within the central space, a much stronger sensation of enclosure is created.

Carmona et al., (2003) states that Positive urban spaces are of two main types; streets (roads, paths, avenues, lanes, boulevards, alleys) and squares (plazas, piazzas, courts). Streets are dynamic spaces with a sense of movement, while squares are static spaces with less sense of movement.

Figure 2.13. A good sense of contained and enclosed space- Piazza Santa Croce, Florence, Italy

Source: Carmona et al., 2003, p. 143.

2.3.1.1. The square

This refers to an area framed by buildings. Distinction should be made between squares primarily designed for grandeur and or to exhibit a particular building, and those designed as ‘people places’ or settings for informal public life. To better appreciate the aesthetic qualities of squares, the ideas of camillo sitte and Paul Zucker are of value.

Camillo site (1889) advocated a picturesque approach to urban space design. Sitte derived a series of artistic principles; enclosure, freestanding sculptural mass, shape and monuments.

He argued that public squares should be enclosed entities. Fig 2.13

Design of the intersection between side streets and square was one of the most important elements: it should not be possible to see out of the square along more than one street at a time.

He rejected the concept of buildings as free standing sculptural objects. For sitte, a building’s principal aesthetic was the manner in which its façade defined space, and was seen from within that space. In most squares, observers can stand sufficiently far back to appreciate a façade as a whole, and to appreciate its relation or lack of relation with its neighbors. To create a better sense of enclosure, Sitte argued that buildings should be joined to one another rather than being freestanding.

Arguing that squares should be in proportion to their major building, Sitte identified deep and wide types. The depth of the square was best related to the need to appreciate the main building.it should be between one and two times the main building’s height. The corresponding width depended on the perspective effect. In terms of plan shape, sitte recommended that no relationship should be more than three to one.

Although Sitte’s general principle was that the Centre of the square should be kept free, he recommended supplying a focus, preferably off-center or along the edge. While such positioning of monuments had an underlying functional logic, he argued that it was also aesthetically pleasing.

Zucker (1959) outlined five basic types of artistically relevant urban squares: the closed square, the dominated square, the nuclear square, grouped squares and the amorphous square

Squares rarely represent one pure type but bear the characteristics of two or more. Zucker also noted that the specific function of a square does not automatically produce a definite spatial form, and that each function can be expressed in many different shapes.